Research Shows Caste Discrimination in Indian Private Sector


Discrimination on the basis of caste endures in the formal labor market of contemporary India, according to Paul Attewell of the City University of New York Graduate Center and Katherine S. Newman of the Johns Hopkins University Department of Sociology.

Check also – Caste Discrimination in Jobs at Private Sector. What is the caste of your company?

Speaking at the Institute this month, Attewell and Newman outlined three of four discrimination studies collaboratively undertaken by Princeton University and the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies: a field experiment based in employer-employee correspondence, a study focusing on employer attitudes toward caste, and a prospective cohort study of lower-caste university graduates in elite institutions.

Read also – Caste Discrimination in Public Distribution System (PDS)

The origin of the overarching project, Attewell said, lies in the recent debate in Indian English-language press over extending the reservation system currently operating in India into the country’s private sector. The Indian reservation system allots a percentage of public sector jobs and places in higher educational institutions to minority applicants, including those of religious minorities and Dalits, a group traditionally regarded to be of low caste. Representatives of the private sector expressed overwhelming opposition to the possibility of extending reservation, citing an ostensible lack of evidence of discrimination against Dalits in the modern private sector, Attewell said.

Check also – Caste Discrimination at UGC

In order to correct the “dearth of research [speaking] to these issues,” the project employed a series of empirical techniques developed by social scientists in the US to investigate “enduring discrimination against African Americans,” Attewell said. The studies aimed to determine whether modern inequalities are “based on caste or community leftovers from the past,” whether these inequalities are “reflections of low education or working in an economically ‘backward’ sector,” and whether discrimination continues to take place “even in the most modern, dynamic sectors of the Indian economy.”

Read also – What is the caste of your food?

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The field experiment focused on the correspondence between job applicants and prospective employers in the modern private sector, including both Indian and multinational corporations. Only first-stage discrimination was taken into account: whether or not applicants received an interview invitation.

Report Caste Discrimination – Facing Caste Discrimination at an Education Institution? Now, report online at www.castediscrimination.com

Researchers submitted multiple sets of fabricated resumes by mail in response to job advertisements aimed at recent university graduates. All fictitious candidates shared strong credentials and differed only in names, which were “recognizably affiliated by caste or religion,” Attewell said. Three groups of candidates were set up: those with names associated with a high caste, those with typically Dalit names, and those with typically Muslim names.

Check also – Caste at College

Researchers found a clear statistical pattern, according to Attewell. Applicants with names associated with a low-caste background faced odds of a positive outcome only 0.67 as large as those for an application with a typically high-caste name. Muslim applicants were at an even greater disadvantage, with odds of a positive outcome only 0.33 as large as those for a high-caste name applicant. These findings clearly imply that discrimination against applicants based on name association occurs even in the very first stage of the job search. “Social exclusion is not a residue of the past; it is alive and well even in modern, high-tech India,” Attewell said.

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Caste Discrimination at UGC


The University Grants Commission annually allots only 11 per cent of the total money it gets under the SC and ST sub plans on scholarships and fellowships, which directly benefits the students of these marginalised communities.

As per a reply given by UGC to a RTI query, it spent only Rs 107.86 crore for scholarships and fellowships out of the Rs 1047.33 crore in the SC sub-plan in 2012-13 and Rs 35.56 crore of the allotted Rs 507.20 crore of the Tribal sub-plan.

In the preceding year it spent Rs 87.86 crore of Rs 814.50 crore on scholarships and fellowships in the SC sub-plan and Rs 33.53 crore out of Rs 400.61 crore in the Tribal-sub plan.

A major chunk of the total money, around 60 per cent, was spent on building “capital assets” which are not specifically beneficial for SC or ST students, like construction of hostels or buying computers.

Caste at UGC

For this reason the UGC has come under fire from Dalit rights organizations.

Mr Paul Divakar, general secretary of National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, which filed the RTI said, “This is not an issue which pertains just to the UGC. Ineffective spending and diversion of funds meant for SC and ST development exists in many well known institutions like the IITs, IIMs and ICSSR. This is just another form of discrimination. We have complained about the UGC problem to the minister of HRD, Ms Smriti Irani and head of other government bodies, but to no avail. We are planning to approach the courts now.”

When contacted, former UGC chairman Mr Sukhdeo Thorat said, “The allocation of money should be increased for fellowships because it helps the students directly and will result in more Dalit scholars pursuing research. What is the point of allocating money meant under the sub-plans if students do not benefit from it directly?”

Source – Deccan Chronicle

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Caste Discrimination in Public Distribution System (PDS)


Another study in the book ‘Blocked by Caste: Economic Discrimination and Social Exclusion in Modern India’ published in 2010 reports discrimination in Public Distribution System (PDS). fair price shops, are either owned privately or run by cooperatives.

An analysis by Thorat and Lee, drawing on a survey of PDS outlets in 531 villages across five States, shows that there was discriminatory behaviour against Dalits by the PDS staff in respect of prices in 28 per cent of villages and in respect of quality in 40 per cent. In 26 per cent of the villages, dealers practised untouchability “by dropping goods from above into cupped Dalit hands below, so as to avoid ‘polluting contact’.”

Check also – Caste Discrimination in Jobs at Private Sector. What is the caste of your company?

Caste system

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What Brahmin Scriptures Say about Beef Eating? #EatBeef


What Brahmin Scriptures Say about Beef Eating? #EatBeef

Read also – What Dr. Ambedkar Said about Beef Eating and Brahmins

Check also – Few posters against beef ban

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Caste Discrimination in Jobs at Private Sector. What is the caste of your company?


For those who say there is no caste discrimination in private job market.

Book “Blocked by Caste: Economic Discrimination and Social Exclusion in Modern India” published in 2010 reports an experiment – 

Thorat and Attewell ran an experiment to test caste discrimination in the urban labour market. For one year, researchers collected advertisements from leading English language newspapers for jobs in the private sector that required a university degree but no specialised skills. The researchers then submitted three false applications for each job. The applicants, all male, had the same or similar education qualification and experience. One of them had a recognisable upper caste Hindu name, another a Muslim name and the third a distinctly Dalit name. The expected outcome was a call for interview or further screening.

An analysis of the outcomes, using regression methods, showed that, although there were an equal number of false applicants from three social groups, for every 10 upper caste Hindu applicants selected for interview, only six Dalits and three Muslims were chosen. Thus, in modern private enterprises (including IT), applicants with a typical Muslim or Dalit name had a lower chance of success than those with the same qualification and an upper caste Hindu name.

For more detail read book named – BLOCKED BY CASTE, ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATION IN MODERN INDIA: Edited by Sukhadeo Thorat, Katherine S. Newman; Oxford University Press

On companies

Here is what Dr. Ambedkar noted almost a century ago, nothing has changed since then.

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Facing Caste Discrimination at an Education Institution? Now, report online at www.castediscrimination.com


A much needed website (www.castediscrimination.com) has been launched by Dalits to record and highlight caste discrimination at educational institutions with the tagline of

Exposing Brahminism One Post at Time

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One doesn’t need to stay silent now on the discrimination one is facing at the educational spaces. This website is one of its kind where one can report the caste discrimination. The website is another step toward raising voice against injustice and establishing equality in the society. Website’s aim and motto is –

…is an attempt to get real-time data of present and past instances of structural caste discrimination in higher education. Our hope is to track data that the Indian government has been lax in collecting but also to change the narrative from pathologizing Dalit Bahujan students to understanding how caste apartheid operates on our campuses.

One can report the caste discrimination by sending email to castediscrimination@gmail.com or by simply filling the form on the website.  The website was launched yesterday and many people have started reporting the caste discrimination happening at the colleges.

Every new website, photo, article or anything that challenges the Brahminical hegemony is important for us and should be spread as much as possible. Please share this website with others so that no other Rohith faces discrimination in the hands of casteist people.

Don’t be silent and report the caste discrimination!

Here are a few more screen-shots of the website.

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Reservations: For whom and for what?


Written by Nijam Gara

The brewing Kapu agitation today and the recent Hardik Patel led agitation for BC (Backward Class) status for Patidars (Patels) in Gujarat has reignited passions and stirred up debates about reservations again. The word “reservation” is a very charged term and evokes strong emotions in the country. It typically refers to constitutionally guaranteed protections and preferential treatment given to historically oppressed sections of the society – dalits (Scheduled castes i.e. SCs), tribals (STs) and ‘BCs’. The idea of such reservations is to help create a modicum of equal opportunity in the overwhelmingly unequal Indian society. Anybody with a rational, historical understanding of Hindu caste system should recognize that the classes that enjoy the true ‘reservations’ are not the SCs, STs and BCs but the upper castes and the well-to-do Sudhras with thousands of years of ‘reserved’ access to land, wealth and exclusive control of every aspect of economy and Hindu society. Those hereditary rights guaranteed by Manuvadi system have assured their continued hegemony in to the 21st century.

The History of Reservation

The History of Reservation

The concepts of government, jobs and inclusivity in British India led to the idea of bringing the hitherto ignored sections in to the ‘mainstream’. Reservations to oppressed castes were subsequently first introduced in British India in the background of movements organized by Jyothirao Phule, Periyar, etc. and also espoused strongly in princely states such as Travancore and Kolhapur (Shahu Maharaja, the real Chatrapathi). The year 1933 marked a flashpoint in the history of caste-based reservations when the British government introduced the Communal Award with separate electorates for Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and more importantly, Dalits. Ambedkar supported this but the ‘father’ of the nation (Gandhi) vociferously opposed it. Eventually, Ambedkar had to concede to Gandhi’s blackmail and Dalits remained under the Hindu fold albeit with reserved seats within. Following the adoption of the constitution in post-independent India, reservations to SCs, STs were formalized. OBC reservations were haphazardly implemented later on. The 1953 Kalelkar Commission and the 1980 Mandal Commission reports came up with the suggestion of 70% and 52% reservations for OBCs respectively but the ultimate number was set at 27% in 1992 following a court verdict a few years after the nation witnessed bloody street violence with anti-reservation sentiments touching a chord with the upper caste youth. Even this 27% reservation is not rightfully implemented in several sectors with a report in 2010 showing that only 7% of civil service positions in the country were filled with OBCs. Reservations are certainly a great tool of affirmative action that have helped scores of dalit, tribal and BC families leap out of poverty. However, for every educated dalit, tribal or OBC, there appear to be a million others who don’t even make the cut to qualify for these reservations. Thus, reservations are only one mode of support and rather an imperfect means to the end goal i.e. decimation of caste structure. True social reform is only feasible with a much deeper cleansing of the Hindu society which appears almost impossible today. How many centuries of reservations can counteract the economic power that is concentrated in the upper castes today across India? How many dalit entrepreneurs will it take to match the clout enjoyed by Kamma industrialists, reddy landlords, etc, etc? Why is a Rahul Gandhi or a Brahminized Narendra Modi (does it really matter if he is theoretically a BC?) a readily acceptable PM candidate but not a Mayawathi or Lalu Yadav?

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Remembering Mata Ramabai Ambedkar


रमाबाई अम्बेडकर

जालिमों से लड़ती भीम की रमाबाई थी
मजलूमों को बढ़ के जो,आँचल उढ़ाई थी
जाति धर्म चक्की में पिसते अवाम को
दलदल में डूबते समाज को बचाई थी

एक-एक पैसे से,भीम को पढ़ाई थी
मेहनत मजदूरी से जो भी जुटाई थीं
गोबर इकट्ठा बना कण्डी के उपले
बज़ारों में बेच कैसे घर को चलाई थी

अमेरिका से लंदन,बैरिस्टर से डाक्टर
हौसला हर मोड़ पर रमाई बढ़ाई थी
भूखे पेट बच्चे कुपोषित ही मर गये
जब रोटी न पैसा न घर में दवाई थी

तड़पते मरते गये गोद में यूं लाल सभी
खुशी की उम्मीदों संग कैसी जुदाई थी
भूखी प्यासी वो बीमार कई रात रही
माँ ने लोगों के लिये खुद को मिटाई थी

रमा की आँसू में भीम विदेशों में बहते थे
मगर इस तूफान में भी कश्ती चलाई थी
विद्वान हो महान भीम रामू न भूल सके
तन और मन से जो उनकी सगाई थी

खून व पसीने से सींचती थी क्यारियाँ
हँसते चमन की कली जो मुरझाई थी
एक तरफ फूले सावित्री थे साथ लड़े
“बागी” भीम साथ वैसे मेरी रमाई थी.

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Read also – 26th May (1935) in Dalit History – Death anniversary of Mata Ramabai Ambedkar

आज हमारी महिलाओ (चाहे वे किसी भी धर्म या जाति समुदाय से हो) को उन पर गर्व होना चाहिए कि किन परिस्थितियों में उन्होंने बाबा साहेब का मनोबल बडाये रखा और उनका साथ देती रही। खुद अपना जीवन कष्ट में बिताये रखा और बाबा साहेब की मदद करती रही।
आज अगर भारत की महिलाए आज़ाद है तो उसका श्रेय सिर्फ और सिर्फ माता रमाबाई को जाता है।

हमारा फ़र्ज़ है उनको जानने का।

Watch – 

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