Tag Archives: Castes

Basis and Significance of Reservation


In the recent debates on reservation some people have suggested that let us now give reservation to so-called upper castes according to percentage of their population. I do not agree with this argument. I think those who are mooting this idea are doing in frustration or out of their ignorance about the logic and basis of reservation. By even mooting this idea we dilute the principles of reservation and spread the idea that reservation can be granted to anyone. One should not forget and misunderstand the logic of reservation. There are very significant, fundamental and structural principles on the basis of which this reservation was conceded to SC, STs and to some OBCs after intense debates in the constituent assembly and centuries of movements by SCs, STs, and OBCs. Few of them were:

  1. They have faced thousands of years of exclusion and discrimination and were not accepted as even human beings.

  2. This exclusion and discrimination of thousands of years was cumulative in nature, that is, it was not in one aspect of life but it was in most of the spheres, for instance in social, economic, political, educational, religious, residential, occupational, etc.

  3. The founding fathers of the Indian nation thought that even after these people were accorded human rights enshrined in the democratic constitution of India and there will be penal provisions according to Indian Penal Code one will not be able to obliterate this exclusion and discrimination against these people and there should be some special provisions for them in the realm of Politics, Bureaucracy, and Education.

  4. There is an element of social justice in the reservation of SCs, STs, and OBCs. It involves historical corrective of injustices done to SCs and STS.

  5. There was no time limit fixed for reservation for SC and STs in Bureaucratic Jobs and in Educational Institutions. Only political reservation under article 330 and 332 of Indian Constitution, which reserves seats in Lok Sabha and in Vidhan Sabhas of different States were for 10 years. However, these reservations have been given new life with different amendments.

  6. The most important point is ‘Reservation for SCs and STs’ is directly connected with the issue of representation. It was because they did not have any representation in any sphere of life, that is, in social, economic, political, educational, etc. sphere for thousands of years and therefore they were supposed to get representation in these Institutions.

  7. Therefore, reservation is not poverty alleviation programme. The founding fathers of nation did not think to remove poverty of scheduled caste persons through reservations. In fact there are so many poverty alleviation programmes begin run in India. One such programme is MNREGA, the other is Prime Minister’s Rojgar Yojna etc. They always thought to grant SCs and STs Self-representation through reservation.

In the light of the above we cannot concede reservation to Upper Castes. Second we cannot concede reservations on economic basis.

By – Prof. Vivek Kumar, JNU

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RESERVATION – 10 Questions and Answers


Q 1: What is reservation?

The word reservation is a misnomer. The appropriate word for it used in the Indian Constitution is Representation. It is not given to anyone in his individual capacity. It is given to individual as a representative of the underprivileged community. The beneficiaries of reservations are in turn expected to help their communities to come up.

Q 2: Why reservation?

The policy of reservations is being used as a strategy to overcome discrimination and act as a compensatory exercise. A large section of the society was historically denied right to property, education, business and civil rights because of the practice of untouchability. In order to compensate for the historical denial and have safeguards against discrimination, we have the reservation policy.

Q 3: Were Reservations incorporated by the founding fathers of the constitution only for first 10 years?

Only the political reservations (seats reserved in Loksabha, Vidhansabha, etc) were to be reserved for 10 years and the policy review was to be made after that. That is why after every 10 years the parliament extends political reservations.

The 10 year limit for reservations is not true for the reservations in education and employment. The reservations in educational institutions and in employment are never given extension as it is given for the political reservations.

Q 4: Why give reservations on basis of caste?

To answer this question we must first understand why the need for the reservations has arisen. The cause for the various types of disabilities that the underprivileged castes in India face / have faced, is the systemic historical subjugation of a massive magnitude based on caste system having a religious sanction. Therefore if the caste system was the prime cause of all the disabilities, injustice and inequalities that the Dalit-Bahujans suffered, then to overcome these disabilities the solution has to be designed on basis of caste only.

Q 5: Why not on basis of economic criterion?

Reservations should never be based on economic status for various reasons as follows:

1. The poverty prevailing among the Dalit-Bahujans has its genesis in the social-religious deprivations based on caste system. Therefore poverty is an effect and caste system a cause. The solution should strike at the cause and not the effect
2. An individual’s Economic status can change. Low income may be taken to mean poverty. But the purchasing value of money, in India, depends upon caste. For example a Dalit can not buy a cup of tea even in some places.

3. Practical difficulties in proving economic status of individual to the state machinery are many. The weak may suffer.

4. In caste ridden India infested with rampant corruption, even for an unchangeable status like caste, the false “Caste Certificate” can be purchased. How much easier will it be to purchase a false “Income Certificate”? So income based reservation is impractical. It is no use arguing when both certificates can be bought, why caste only should form basis of reservation. It is certainly more difficult to buy a false caste certificate than a false income certificate.

5. Reservation is not an end in itself. It is a means to an end. The main aim is to achieve the active participation and sharing by the “socially excluded” humanity in all the fields of the affairs of the society. It is not panacea for all ills, neither it is permanent. It would be a temporary measure till such time the matrimonial advertisements in newspaper columns continue to contain the mention of caste.

Q 6: Should there be a creamy layer criterion or not?

The demand from anti-reservationists for introduction of creamy layer is ploy to scuttle the whole effectiveness of reservations. Even now out of all seats meant for SC/STs in IITs , 25-40 % seats remain vacant because it seems IITs do not find suitable candidates. Just imagine what would happen if by applying creamy layer criterion the SC/ST middle class, lower middle class people who are in position to take decent education are excluded from reservations benefit ! Will the poor among SC/STs be able to compete with these ‘privileged ‘students’ trained under Ramaiah and at various IIT-JEE training centers at Kota ?
Of course Not.
This will lead to 100 % seats in IITs for SC/STs going vacant.

Q 7: How long should the reservations continue?

The answer to this question lies with the anti-reservationists. It depends on how sincerely and effectively the policy makers which constitute “privileged castes” people in executive, judiciary and legislature, implement the reservations policy.
Is it just on part of “privileged castes” people who have enjoyed undeclared exclusive reservations for past 3000 years and continue to enjoy the same even in 21st century in all religious institutions and places of worship, to ask for the timelines for reservations policy?
Why do not they ask, how long the exclusive reservations for particular community in the religious institutions and places of worship are going to continue?
The people who have acquired disabilities due to inhuman subjugation for 3000 years will need substantial time to come over those disabilities. 50 years of affirmative action is nothing as compared to 3000 years of subjugation.

Q 8: Will not the reservations based on castes lead to divisions in the society?

There are apprehensions that reservations will lead to the divisions in the society. These apprehensions are totally irrational. The society is already divided into different castes. On the contrary reservations will help in annihilating the caste system. There are around 5000 castes among the SC/ST and OBCs. By grouping these various castes under 3 broad categories of SC, ST and OBC, the differences among 5000 separate castes can be abridged. This is a best way of annihilation of castes. Therefore rather than making rhetoric about reservations leading to divisions in the society the anti-reservationists should make honest and sincere efforts to annihilate castes. Have these people made any efforts towards this direction? In most of the cases the answer is NO. The people making these anti-reservations rhetoric, all this time have been enjoying all the privileges that the Indian caste system offers to the “Privileged Castes”. As long as they enjoy the privileges of the caste system they do not have any qualms regarding it. But when it comes to making castes as basis for achieving social equality by providing representations these same people make noises. These are the double standards of highest order practiced by the ‘privileged’ people.

Q 9: Will not reservations affect the Merit?

As regards to how Merit is defined in a very narrow sense and what it actually means, following is the quote from an article by Prof Rahul Barman of IIT Kanpur.

Reservations of more than 60 % have existed in the 4 states of southern India and around 40 % in Maharashtra since last 50 years. On other hand in the north Indian states the 15 % ‘privileged castes’ have been enjoying 77 % of the seats in educational institutions and in employment (assuming that 23 % reservations for SC/STs are totally filled, which is not the case). The World Bank study has found that all the 4 south Indian states are much ahead of north Indian states in terms of their human development index. It is a common knowledge that all the southern states and Maharashtra are much ahead in fields of education, health, industrial development, in implementing poverty alleviation schemes, etc. than the north Indian states. This shows that reservations have indeed helped the southern Indian states in making progress on various fronts. Whereas lack of adequate reservations is responsible for the lack of development in most of the north Indian states.

Q 10: Have existing reservations for SC/STs been effective or not?

The reservation policy in the public sector has benefited a lot of people. The Central government alone has 14 lakh employees. The proportion of Scheduled castes in class III and IV is well above the quota of 16 per cent and in class I and II, the proportion is around 8–12 per cent. So, the middle and the lower middle class that we see today from the Dalit community is because of reservation.

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Filed under Caste Discrimination, Casteism, Dalit-Bahujans, Dr B R Ambedkar, Latest

We need to become ruling class if we want to form a casteless society – Saheb Kanshi Ram


By Bahujan Sanghatak , New Delhi, Dt. 16 November, 1998

Malaysia (10-11 October , 98 ) : Addressing the First International Dalit Conference at Kuala Lumpur as a Chief Guest in the inaugural session, Manyawar Kanshiramji said,- “ My heartiest congratulations to you all for organizing this international conference which is a big step towards our supreme goal of forming a casteless society in India”.

   1)  I will not merely sit quite in anticipation that some day or the other caste will be annihilated automatically ; but as long as the “caste” is alive , I will continue to use it in the interest of my society.

   2)   What is more important ? To become MLA/MP or to run the movement of Babasaheb? According to me it was more important to run the movement of Babasaheb than to become MLA/MP. Therefore I chose to run the movement. For a moment a thought came to my mind that to run the movement effectively we should make our people MLAs/MPs. But the important question was which is the party that will give us MLAs/MPs who will also run the movement of Babasahab. After a lot of thought I reached to a conclusion that such MLAs/MPs can be elected only through our own party.

   3)   I have learned a lot from the people from Maharashtra. I have learned my half lesson for running the Ambedkarite movement from Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The other half lesson I have learnt from the Mahars of Maharashtra. I have learnt from Babasahab how to run the movement. And from Mahars of Maharashtra I have learned how not to run the movement. To successfully run any movement it is not only sufficient to know how to run the movement but also it is necessary to know how not to run the movement. If you do not know how not to run the movement then you will never be able to know how to run it.

   4)   I do not like to talk much even though I have to talk very frequently. I do not like to tell about my work in words but I want my work and the results emanating from that work to speak for themselves. I want to tell all those fellow activists in the movement who do not agree to my work – “ I may be wrong, but why don’t you analyze the results that I have achieved, what you have to say about those results ?”.

   5)  Our intellectuals often think that the solution to all our problems is in Marxism, Socialism and Communism. I strongly believe that in the country where Manuvad is present no other ism can become successful. The reason being no other ism is ready to accept the reality of the caste.

   6)   Who is capable of giving reservations ? Only the ruling class of people can give reservations to others. Even to make your own society capable of reaping the benefits and to protect your interests , you have to become a ruling class. Therefore we have to prepare ourselves in the direction of becoming a ruling class in India. We have to become the rulers ……. It is the solution on most of our problems.

Annihilation of Caste

Kanshiramji said – In 1936 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was invited by the “Jat Pat Todak Mandal, Lahore” to present his essay on the subject of caste. But the organizers of the conference did not allow Babasaheb to present the essay. Later on Babasaheb published the essay in a form of book titled as “Annihilation of Caste”. When I first read this book in 1962-63, I felt that annihilation of caste is certainly possible. But later on when I started thinking deeply and began to study the subject of castes, caste system and behavioural patterns associated with the caste system, my understanding of caste began to change. My study of Caste is not merely based on reading books but it has emanated from my real life experience with the castes. There are millions of people who leave their villages and migrate to metro cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata and other big cities. These people do not bring anything else with them; the only thing they bring with them is their caste. They leave behind in their villages their small huts, small plot of land, etc. But they can not leave behind their caste in the village, the caste invariably accompanies them to the cities where they begin to stay in dirty shanties along the side of railway tracks and nallahs. If the caste is so dear to the people then how can we annihilate the caste ? Therefore I have stopped thinking in the direction of annihilation of caste.

You have organized this convention as a precursor to march ahead in the direction of forming a casteless society. Even my aim is to form a casteless society. But caste is not something that can be annihilated just by your noble thoughts about annihilation of caste . Annihilation of caste is almost impossible. Then what should we do to form a casteless society ?

There is a specific purpose behind formation of castes.

The castes were not born without any purpose. There is a specific purpose and selfish interests hidden behind the formation of castes. As long as this specific purpose and the selfish interests exist , the caste can not be annihilated. You will never find Bramhins and other Savarna caste people organizing such conventions for “reformation of casteless society”. This is because the castes were formed by these same people with an ill intention to secure their self interests. Formation of castes has brought benefits to minuscule few savarna castes but on other hand the generations after generations of the 85 % Bahujan Samaj have been at the receiving end of this oppressive caste system. The Bahujan Samaj has been subjugated to the beastly oppression and inhuman humiliations. If the caste system has been beneficial to the Savarna Caste people then why would they vouch for it’s annihilation ? The debates, convention and conferences of these kind can be organized only by we people who have been victims of the oppressive caste system. The beneficiaries of the caste system would never be interested in the annihilation of caste. On the contrary they would work towards strengthening the caste system so that they continue to reap the benefits arising from caste system for the ages to come.

The audience sitting in this conference hall may not have been direct victims of the caste system but we have certainly been born among the people or society that has been victim of the caste system and therefore we all need to necessarily think towards formation of casteless society. But when we talk of annihilation of caste then first of all we need to accept the existence of caste system. We can never annihilate the caste by ignoring it’s presence or by undermining it’s relevance in the contemporary India.

It may be true that lot of us still nurture a feeling of formation of a casteless society but simultaneously it is also true that the urge for forming a casteless society is dwindling by passage of time. So what do we do till the time the caste is not annihilated completely ? I believe that until the time we are not able to form a casteless society, we need to use caste to annihilate caste. If Bramhins can use caste for the benefit of their society then why can not we use it for the benefit of our society ?

Caste – Two edged sword

Caste is like a sword with two edges which can attack from both sides. If you use it from one side it cuts enemy from that side; if you use it from other side it cuts from the other side. Therefore I have began to use this two edged sword of caste system in such a way that it benefits the people of Bahujan Samaj and it takes away the benefits that the savarna castes have been reaping from caste system. Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar has given the political and social rights to the Scheduled castes and Scheduled tribes based on the castes. He has used the very basis of caste to secure the political rights of separate electorate from the Britishers. But he had to forgo those hard earned rights on the adamant insistence of Mohandas Gandhi who used his cheap tactics of fast unto death to blackmail Babasahab.

Separate Electorate

Many people ask me as to why I do not start an agitation for separate electorate just like what Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar did. So far I have never wasted even single minute on the issue of separate electorate. If the right to separate electorate could not be obtained during the time when Britishers were in rule in India then how can I secure those rights when the Manuwadis are the rulers of India. Today this is totally impossible.

Specialist on Caste

Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar taught the SC/STs how to make use of the weapon of caste. Therefore he was able to secure many constitutional rights for our people from the Britishers. But after the departure of Britishers there are just three people who succeeded in using the weapon of caste. The first person was Jawaharlal Nehru, second was Indira Gandhi and third person is Kanshiram.

Nehru applied the weapon of caste like a skilled warrior and succeeded in it. Nehru was an expert in the art of using castes for maintaining the Manuvadi dominance and Bramhnical hegemony. After him Indira Gandhi became expert in exploiting the weapon of caste so that the Bramhnical Social Order is continuously benefited. But today if you ask any Congressman in Delhi whether he receives any benefits from the caste, he will answer in negative. He will say that he does not know how to get benefited from the caste and that only Kanshiram knows how to make use of caste for the benefits of his people ( Laughter ).

If you can stop Bramhins from using caste for their own selfish interests then he will think twice before he uses the sword of caste against us. I have learned how to make use of this two wedged sword of caste in the interest of my society. Castes which today to us seem to be a problem, can become ,if used tactically, a solution to our problems. The thing which is today our problem can become an opportunity for us provided we learn to make appropriate use of it for our own benefits.

Indian Refugees

We must always be ready to learn a lesson from history. We have to accelerate our work of taking ahead the Ambedkarite movement. In 1932 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar asked for separate electorate for Dalit/Adivasis. But in 1942 he raised a demand for separate settlements because he wanted that the Dalits should not be dependent on the hindus in any way. They should live their lives with full independence. But what is the real picture in India today ? Today there is 45 lakh hectare tilled agricultural land. Our people toil in the fields and produce crops. But in the field they toil they do not have any property rights. They become victims of exploitation and injustice of Manuvadi landlords. To escape from the exploitation and oppression of the land lords our people leave villages and migrate to big cities in search of respectable life. In the process they end up living in the dirty shanties , under the bridges , along side of railway tracks ,on bank of nallahs and at many other dirty places where they are forced to live a life which is worse than that of animals. Such Distress Migration has resulted into nearly 10 Cr people leaving behind their villages, their tiny plots of land , their small huts and their meager belongings , to leave in cities. Ten years ago the number of people who stayed in cities was 5 Crores. Today this number has risen to 16 Cr. 10 Cr people in big cities stay in dirty slums, on roads and at other filthy places. I call these people “Indian Refugees”. Who will address the problems faced by these people ? The Rural development Ministry and Urban development Ministry of Government of India should be addressing the multitude of problems faced by the Indian refugees. Barring these 10 Cr Indian refugees, the Government of India makes some plan or the other for the development of the other people. But no one looks into the problems faced by these Indian refugees. No budgetary provisions are made in our annual budget for these 10 Cr people. There is no separate department or ministry for such a large number of people. The Indian government has formed separate department and ministry for the Pakistani refugees who came to India in 1947 , the refugees from Kashmir and refugees from other places. Government of India spends Crores of rupees on the welfare of such foreign refugees ; but no government ever has paid attention to the problems of these 10 Cr Indian refugees.

            Since these 10 Cr Indian refugees have left behind their villages, land and other belongings , bringing only their castes to the cities, my work has become very easy. These 10 Cr refugees are considered as a big problem by the Manuvadi rulers. But for us these Indian refugees are a big strength, they are the vehicles of our empowerment. The very “caste”on the basis of which Crores of such people have been living a degraded , humiliated lives and thrown in the gallows of backwardness, we will use the same “caste” to free these crores of people from the injustice and exploitation meted out to them. After the forthcoming state assembly elections in Delhi, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, we will carry out a “ Indian refugees’ agitation”. I will not merely sit quite in anticipation that some day or the other caste will be annihilated automatically ; but as long as the “caste” is alive , I will continue to use it in the interest of my society.

Let me now tell you about my experience of using the caste in the interest of our society. Today by organizing the people who have been the victims of the draconian caste system( Bahujan Samaj), I am training these people to make use of caste for the betterment of our society. I am inspiring them to carry forward the mission of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. I am preparing and enabling my society which comprises of the victims of the “caste” to make use of this double edged sword of “caste” in their own interests. Today every Manuvadi party and their leaders are afraid of my use of “caste”. All these Manuvadi parties are trying to stop this “ Kanshiram magic”. First Rajiv Gandhi tried then V.P. Singh , Narsimharao, etc tried to stop me. Today the similar efforts are being made by the BJP. But all these people are playing their own games and I am playing my own ( claps).

Bahujan Samaj Party has to get recognition throughout India.

The Manuvadis beneficiaries of the ‘caste’ have formed ‘caste’ so that they can perpetually rule over Bahujan Samaj. They have been protectors and saviours of ‘caste system’ to ensure their perpetual monopolistic rule over Bahujan Samaj. The creation of any system is more difficult than it’s retention. Once you build a system , keeping the system up and running is not very difficult task.

If you want to annihilate ‘caste’ then you have to prevent the Manuvadis from reaping the benefits of ‘caste’. As long as the Manuvadi beneficiaries of ‘caste’ are left scot-free to use the ‘caste’ to their own benefits , the Bahujan victims of ‘caste’ will continue to suffer from ‘caste’. Therefore you will have to learn to use ‘caste’ in the interest of the Bahujan Samaj and you will have to prevent the Manuvadis from reaping the benefits of ‘caste’. You should not ignore the presence of the ‘caste’ in the Indian society; whereas you should accept the existence of ‘caste’ as a naked truth. BSP has emerged has 4th largest national party in India by successfully making use of ‘caste’. In India there are about 70 recognized political parties. We are ahead of 66 of these political parties. Today only Congress, BJP and CPI(M) are ahead of us. When we formed BSP in the year 1984 , the other parties used to say that BSP would remain as a regional party within UP. But today BSP has secured recognition not only in UP but also in MP, Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir and Haryana. Seeing this success of BSP all the savarna hindu castes ( Manuvadi samaj) has become very sad. And even I am also not happy. They are sad because BSP is speedily gaining strong ground in other states; whereas I am sad because BSP has not been able to become a recognized party in all the states of India. I want BSP to become recognized party in all the states, and even in Maharashtra.

Why is Bahujan Samaj dependent in independent India ?

In the year 1997 , the manuvadi ruling class in India decided to celebrate the golden jubilee of India’s independence. There may be many reasons for them to celebrate ; but the 85 % Bahujan Samaj which continues to remain dependent on others even after 50 years of independence, has no reason to celebrate. Even today our people in the villages do not possess their own land, they work as farm labours in the land of manuvadi landlords. 10 Cr people have migrated to cities because in the villages they were dependent on others. When we established Bahujan Samaj Party, the Dalits, backwards were dependent on manuvadi parties for tickets. They used to run behind these parties for getting tickets. The political parties, if not anything else are the tickets printing machines. We thought as to why we should not possess one such machine and therefore we established Bahujan Samaj Party on 14th April, 1984.

Not just a platform ticket

In March 1985 we distributed 237 tickets for the Uttar Pradesh assembly polls. That time I told all our candidates that our tickets are merely platform tickets and that you will not be able to reach Lucknow with help of these tickets. That time there wasn’t any quarrel for getting our ticket. But today our tickets are in great demand. Today in UP every BSP candidate secures more than 1 lac of votes. Today our tickets are no more just the platform tickets but one can reach not just Lucknow but also Delhi with the help of our tickets. Today why are our tickets in so much demand ?

Congress made BSP popular.

On basis of 1984 Loksabha elections in Uttar Pradesh, Congress had won 410 assembly seats out of 425. But in the 1985 assembly elections they won just 265 seats. Congress had to lose 145 seats because of the presence of BSP. Congress got frustrated because of these losses and they carried out a campaign calling BSP a “party of Chamars”. This campaign indeed helped BSP to consolidate our ground in UP. Our party became very popular among the Chamar community of Uttar Pradesh. In 1985 election we secured merely 2 % votes. Our vote percentage went on rising in every subsequent elections. In 1989 it went on to 9%, in 1991 – 11%, in 1993 – 20. 6 %. In 1996 Loksabha elections we got 29% votes. We achieved this success not by ignoring the ‘caste’ but by accepting the existence of ‘caste’ and by utilizing it in our interests. Today Congress is unable to get benefited by making use of ‘caste’ whereas we have increased our strength manifold by appropriately using the caste reality; we will continue to strengthen ourselves in future to come.

Lesson from Maharashtra

Today here many people from Maharashtra are present. I have learned a lot from the people from Maharashtra. I have learned a half lesson for running the Ambedkari movement from Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The other half lesson I have learnt from the Mahars of Maharashtra. I have learnt from Babasahab how to run the movement. And from Mahars of Maharashtra I have learned how not to run the movement. To successfully run any movement it is not only sufficient to know how to run the movement but also it is necessary to know how not to run the movement. If you do not know how not to run the movement then you will never be able to know how to run it.

      Mahars have not been able to appropriately use the double edged sword of caste. They say that now they have become Buddhists and they are no more Mahars. But simultaneously they kept on fighting for the benefits of reservations in capacity of being Mahars. They began to demand reservations for the people who have become Buddhists. . Mahars carried the ‘caste’- a bad breath of Hinduism to Buddhism. ‘Caste’ is that bad breath of Hinduism which has polluted the whole world.

100 years of Reservations

On 26th July 1902, the Maharaja of Kolhapur- Chatrapati Shahuji Maharaj implemented reservations in jobs in his kingdom for the Dalits and backwards. On 26th July 2002 we will complete 100 years of reservations. 100 years of reservations is sufficient. Now I consider it my responsibility to empower my people so that they will not ask for reservations but they will become capable to give reservations to others. It is easy to understand and say this thing but it is not easy to make it happen.

      Who is capable of giving reservations ? Only the ruling class of people can give reservations to others. Even to enable your own society capable of reaping the benefits and to protect their interests , you have to become a ruling class. Therefore we have to prepare ourselves in the direction of becoming a ruling class in India. We have to become the rulers ……. It is the solution on most of our problems.

      But the question is how the victims of the ‘caste’ can become the rulers ? Should we become MLA/MP or should we run the Ambedkar movement ? I have nither seen Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar nor have I heard him when he was alive. I have learned Ambedkarism from the leaders of Maharashtra. Mr Bajirao Kamble who was wearing a blue cap and sitting in front of me was one of those people who gave me lessons in Ambedkarism. When the Ambedkarite leaders from Maharashtra began to crawl behind the Congress for tickets, it resulted into many skirmishes between me and them. They were saying that if they stick to Ambedkarism then they can not become MLAs and MPs. I asked them what is more important ? To become MLA/MP or to run the movement of Babasaheb? According to me it was more important to run the movement of Babasaheb than to become MLA/MP. Therefore I chose to run the movement. For a moment a thought came to my mind that to run the movement effectively we should make our people MLAs/MPs. But the important question was which is the party that will give us MLAs/MPs who will also run the movement of Babasahab. After a lot of thought I reached to a conclusion that such MLAs/MPs can be elected only through our own party. And therefore I left Mumbai and came back to Lucknow.

Which all castes supported Babasaheb ?

I have studied deeply the ‘caste’ as reality in the Indian society. I studied those castes which had supported Babasaheb. Babasaheb’s movement was supported by the Mahars of Maharashtra, Pariahs of Tamilnadu, Malas of Andhra Pradesh, Jatavs of Uttar Pradesh and Chandals( Namo shudras) of Bengal. But when Babasaheb himself could not win the election in 1952 and 1954 , his supporters began to think if Babasaheb himself can not win then how can we win and become MLAs/MPs ?

After that I even delved into electoral victories of Babasaheb. In 1946 Babasaheb had won from the Jaisor and Khulna seats from Bengal. How did this happen ?In both these constituencies the population of Chandals was 52%. They thought rather than sending any one else , it is better to send Babasaheb to the constituent assembly. Babasaheb was able to win because the Chandals has majority votes with them. Mahar, Pariah, Jatav, Mala, etc castes did not have numbers as large as the Chandals and therefore these castes did not win elections and thus they began to leave the movement of Babasaheb.

The fight of Babasaheb was for all the castes that were victims of the ‘caste system’. But were only Mahars, Pariahs, Malas, Jatavs, etc.castes, the victims of the ‘caste’ ? Were only these castes the victims of the Manuvadi social order ? The answer is No. These castes were not the only victims of ‘caste’. 6000 castes are the victims of ‘caste’.

        According to Mandal Commission report, there are nearly 1500 castes among the SCs, 1000 castes among the STs and 3743 castes among the OBCs. The number of such castes is more than 6000. These are all such castes which have been victims of the Manuvadi social order. Some of them have been victimized less and some have been victimized more. But the truth is that all these 6000 castes have been victims of the manuvadi social order. Should not all these castes organize together to fight against the exploitative ‘caste system’ ? Among these castes some castes are bigger and some are smaller in terms of population. If all these castes remain divided among themselves then they will remain as minorities. But if these castes organize among themselves by creating a feeling of fraternity, they can become a majority – Bahujans. These people are 85 % of country’s population and thus they constitute of a very big strength in the country.

Creation of fraternity among the Bahujans castes is a necessity of time

When Bahujan Samaj Party was established in 1984, at that time Bahujan Samaj had not been formed in the country. Bahujan Samaj Party can become successful only if the Bahujan Samaj is formed. Therefore we have began to organize the 6000 Bahujan Castes by creating a fraternity among them in order to form a Bahujan Samaj. In last 10 years we have been able to connect together just 600 castes which forms just 10 % of the total number of castes that we want to reach to.

Just by bringing together 600 castes, our party has become 4th largest party in India. If we add 400 more castes then the number of castes that we have brought together will go up to 1000. And if we succeed in adding 400 more castes in our fold then we will become the number one party in the country. I do not like to talk much even though I am compelled to talk very frequently. I do not like to tell in my words but I want my work and the results emanating from that work to speak for themselves. I want to tell all those fellow activists in the movement who do not agree to my work – “ I may be wrong, but why don’t you analyze the results that I have achieved, what you have to say about those results ?”.

Bringing together so many castes on one platform was a mammoth task in itself. Lot of people have been engaged in making severe criticism of those people who have been instrumental in bringing the 600 castes together. Many have advised not to undertake such an impossible task in hand. But when the people who started the noble work of bringing together the divided castes, no force in the world was able to stop them from doing so. The people that carried out the task of joining together people from different castes ; did their work with all the sincerity and dedication at their command. If we have succeeded in bringing together 600 castes then why won’t we succeed in bringing many more castes together ? We will certainly succeed. By bringing together all the victim castes, we can capture the political power and become the ruling class.

Capturing the Master Key

Babasaheb has said that “political power is the master key using which you can open all the doors of your progress and self respect”.

Our friends from Maharashtra had been fighting since 25 years for changing the name of Marathwada university. They had to do this because they do not have the political master key. In 1989 Rajiv Gandhi came to Lucknow and he laid down the foundation stone for the Dr Ambedkar University. On one hand the Congress party is refusing to change the name of Marathwada university in Maharashtra and on the other hand the same Congress party is laying down a stone for the Dr Ambedkar University at Lucknow. Why this has happened ? The people of Uttar Pradesh have never raised a demand for Dr Ambedkar Univesity at Lucknow. This was the demand of people from Maharashtra.Then why is this demand of people from Maharashtra being fulfilled in Uttar Pradesh ? Why was congress so eager to start a Dr Ambedkar University at Lucknow ? This had happened because the people of Uttar Pradesh were extending their hand towards the political master key. Therefore the ruling class wanted to hide the master key in guise of the university.

By capturing the power in UP we have formed not just one university but many universities for which the people from Maharashtra have been fighting for long time. In 1994 we laid a foundation stone for Shahu Maharaj university at Kanpur. In 1996 we formed Mahatma Phule university and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar university. Apart from this we acquired 200 acre land at Noida for Gautam Buddha Univesity. We created 17 new districts to fasten the process of development and more importantly to honour our heroes by giving their names to these newly formed districts. It becomes very clear from this that you can use ‘caste’ to acquire political master key and make use of this master key to secure a life of self respect and take them along the path of progress.

Our society has to shed away their “Dalit mentality”

I have so far talked at length about the ‘caste’. Now I want to talk something about the Dalits. I rarely go out of India. My party men and other friends were thinking that I may not go to attend the convention at Kuala Lumpur because I am so much overburdened by the vows of Dalits in India. But I get more upset by looking at the Dalit mentality of the people. Dalit mentality is the biggest weakness of the dalits. Dalit mentality has become a sort of a feeling of destitution. A person with a mentality of a beggar can never become a ruler. Similarly without shedding away the Dalit mentality, no society can become a ruling class. The hands which are used to ask/beg have to strive to become the ones which will give, i.e. they have to become a ruling race. If we can not become the ruling class then there can not be any other shorter and easier solution to all our problems. So how you can become ruling class without shedding away your Dalit mentality ? Therefore you have to shed away your Dalit mentality. If you become rulers then you yourselves can find the solution to all your problems.

Manuvad can destroy all other isms.

Our intellectuals often think that the solution to all our problems is in Marxism, Socialism and Communism. I strongly believe that in the country where Manuvad is present no other ism can become successful. The reason being no other ism is ready to accept the reality of the caste.

It is the responsibility of these intellectuals as well as mine that we evolve our own ism keeping in mind the presence of Manuvad and accepting the ‘caste’ as reality of Indian society. Manuvadis often talk about the problem of unemployment in India. They are worried about the unemployment of 1 Cr unemployed youth belonging to the “upper” castes. But these people have no worries about the multiple problems faced by the 10 Cr Indian refugees who are illiterate and unskilled.

No party is worried about the plight of these 10 Cr people. But these 10 Cr people are our people. Therefore only our party is worried about the plight of these 10 Cr people. Only our party can find a solution on the problems of these people. We can easily solve the problems of the Bahujan Samaj by becoming the ruling class.

We have become 4th largest party in India by bringing together 600 castes and by creating a fraternity among these castes. By reaching to 1000 castes and by bringing them in our fold we can become the ruling class in this country. I have a strong belief that in next 3 years we will become the rulers and the political master key will be in our hands.

‘Kanshiram Magic’

I do not support the idea of imposing my thoughts on others. I am just narrating my experience to you. It is up to you whether you want to take advantage of it or not.

By becoming rulers you can march ahead effectively towards formation of a casteless society. I can tell this one solution to all your problems. Why would the beneficiaries of ‘caste’ want to destroy it ? The people who are victims of ‘caste’ and who have suffered because of it will have to take this task of destroying the ‘caste’. The caste system can be destroyed only by the rulers themselves provided they have a will to do.

You will think that I am talking about some impossible and unachievable things. But in my life I have always taken seemingly impossible tasks in my hand and have achieved a success in those tasks. This is what is called ‘Kanshiram magic’. Today this ‘Kanshiram magic’ has began to occupy a national form.

Therefore my only message to you all is that you should march ahead in the direction of formation of casteless society by means of right thinking . At the end I would like to tell you that you can form a casteless society by capturing the political master key because only the ruling class can form a new social order.

  Jai Bheem, Jai Bharat.

( Bahujan Sanghatak , New Delhi, Dt. 16 November, 1998).

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Filed under Behan Mayawati, BSP, Dr B R Ambedkar, Latest, Saheb Kanshi Ram

How Ranveer Sena militia planned and conducted Dalit killings in Bihar


Cobrapost captures on-camera the confessions of perpetrators of six major massacres of poor, unarmed Dalits in Central Bihar, revealing how the Ranveer Sena militia planned and conducted these indiscriminate killings with impunity and how they twisted the long arm of the law, who trained them, who armed them, who financed them and who lent them political support. 

In an year long investigation undercover operation, Cobrapost captures on-camera six commanders of the dreaded outfit Ranveer Sena, two of them declared innocent and set free by the Patna High Court for lack of evidence, confessing to their involvement in Six major massacres of Dalits in Central Bihar, namely,Sarthua(1995), Bathani Tola (1996), Laxmanpur Bathe (1997), Shankar Bigha (1999), Miyanpur (2000) and Ikwari (1997). In all, 144 were killed in these six massacres including several women and children. The six RS men are Chandkeshwar, Ravindra Chaudhary, Pramod Singh, Bhola Singh, Arvind Kumar Singh and Siddhnath Singh. These mass murderers not only reveal how they planned and carried out killings on such scale with precision and ruthlessness of a war machine but also candidly admit who trained them, who armed them, who financed them and who lent them political support, naming some big-time politicians. It was not a coincidence that the Justice Amir Das Commission of Inquiry was abruptly dismissed as soon as the JDU–BJP alliance came to power in Bihar, and Justice (Retd.) Amir Das categorically states that it was because his report could have implicated some prominent politicos for their support to the private army he was asked to close the shop without submitting a report. Perhaps, never in the history of Independent India was an inquiry commission investigating mass murders asked to demit office.

Their confessions also reveal the diabolical intention of the Ranveer Sena of carrying out massacres in 50 villages in a single day. Equipped with modern lethal weapons such as AK-47s, LMGs and SLRs, among others, and a capacity to strike at will at the place of their choosing, it is not difficult to imagine what havoc the private army of upper caste landlords could have wreaked on their miserable targets had they put the plan into operation.

Posing as a film-maker, supposedly working on a film on Ranveer Sena, Cobrapsot Associate Editor K. Ashish interviewed Chandkeshwar alias Chandreshwar, Pramod Singh, Bhola Singh Rai, Arvind Kumar Singh, Siddhnath Singh and Ravindra Chaudhry. All except Ravindra Chaudhry, were accused in Laxmanpur Bathe massacre. Ravindra Chaudhry was however mainly involved in the Sarthua(Bhojpur),massacre.which had taken place in the year 1995. Chandkeshwar and Pramod Singh have been set free by the Patna High Court, while Bhola Singh, Arvind Kumar Singh and Siddhnath Singh were let off the kook by the lower courts. Bhola Singh is still wanted by the Bihar Police and is hiding in the steel city of Tata Nagar in Jharkhand.

These confessions also make it clear that Ranveer Sena had the tacit support from political quarters both at the centre and at the state level. While a former prime minister purportedly helped them get modern lethal weapons such as LMGs, SLRs and semi-automatic rifles the Indian Army rejects and sells as scrap, a former finance minister apparently helped the outfit with finances. Another politician evacuated them in his car when they found the police closing in on them after a mass murder. Consisting largely of Bhumihar and Rajput landlords, the Sena cadre received training from army jawans either on leave or retired, as private donations from their supporters helped them buy weapons such as AK-47 by the dozen that were part of the Purulia arms drop in December 1995.

But before listening to the blood-curdling confessions of these mass murderers, a throwback to the emergence of the dreaded Ranveer Sena would be in order. To ostensibly counter the rising unrest among the farm labour who had started organizing themselves under the banner of CPI-ML (Liberation), an underground leftist outfit, and had started to refuse to do begar or unpaid labour in the farmlands of the upper caste landowners while demanding minimum wages, Dharicharan Singh of Belaur village in Bhojpur district formed a private army of the landowners. He christened this outfit Ranveer Sena after his kin, Ranveer Chaudhry, a retired army man. No sooner its command fell on Barmeshwar Singh, head of Bhojpur-Khopira village, it became a well-oiled machine, trained to kill, ruthlessly and indiscriminately, equipped with modern weapons like AK-47, LMGs, semi-automatic, SLRs and Mousers, with its support base spreading far and wide among the landowning upper castes. Within a span of next six years, the outfit executed 16 massacres killing 300 Dalits, men, women and children, even the unborn, across six districts of Bihar, namely, Arrah, Arval, Bhojpur, Gaya, Aurangabad and Jahanabad. The nation bowed its head in shame when the outfit killed 58 Dalits on the cold night of December 1, 1997. Among those killed were 27 women and 16 children. The ruthless killers of the dreaded Sena did not spare even the pregnant women, tearing their wombs open and putting the unborn to death.
This kind of psychopathic butchery was witnessed again in 2002 Gujarat riots when rioters tore open the wombs of pregnant Muslim women and cut the unborn into pieces in full public view as they rejoiced at their barbaric feat.

In another shocking judgment on January 14th, in this year. A lower court yet again acquitted all 24 accused of killing 23 Dalits in Shankar Bigha in Arwal district in 1999 on the eve of the Republic day. Similarly, in October 2013 the Patna High Court had acquitted all 26 Ranveer Sena men – including 16 who had been put on death row by the lower court – accused of killing 58 Dalits in worst-ever massacre at Laxmanpur Bathe on December 1, 1997. The Bathani Tola massacre case met the same fate on April 17, 2012, when the Patna High Court set all 23 RS men free who were accused of killing 21 Dalits, including 11 women and six children on July 11, 1996. The 32 victims of Miyanpur massacre of June 2000 must have turned and twisted in their graves when the Patna High Court allowed all 10 accused except one to walk free on July 3, 2013. These decrees have assumed a pattern and one wonders if the rest of the cases would meet the same fate in days to come for the recurring theme of these judicial pronouncements is lack of evidence.

Although we have dissenting voices among those who investigated the massacres. For instance, Dy SP CID (Retd.) Mirza Maqsood Alam Beg is quite categorical while averring that there was clinching evidence against all accused: “Dekhiye usmein direct evidence toh unke against tha hi eyewitness … logon ne dekha pehchana … uske alawa iss occurrence ke pehle un logon ke yehan meeting bhi hua karti thi meeting mein ye log attend karte the na haan inhi logon ke yehan meeting hua karti thi wo sab cheezein diary mein hain (You see, there is direct evidence against them … eyewitness … people saw them and identified them … apart from that before the occurrence [of a massacre] these people would hold meetings at their places … all these things are recorded in case diary).” Beg was the IO of the major massacre Laxmanpur Bathe and was responsible for filing the charge sheet. Based on such evidence the lower courts had awarded many of these murders death sentence and others life imprisonment.

These acquittals make one wonder if they did not kill more than 300 Dalits then who did? Shall one say then, although so many were murdered in these massacres, no one killed them?
In order to find if the perpetrators of such heinous mass murders were really as innocent as these pronouncements made them look, Cobrapost decided to track some of them down and see if they too declared they had no blood in their hands.

Assuming an alias and supposedly working on a film on Ranveer Sena, Cobrapsot Associate Editor K. Ashish travelled the length and breadth of Central Bihar and interviewed six RS strongmen who far from pleading their innocence confessed to have been part of five big massacres that their outfit executed: Bathani Tola, Laxmanpur Bathe, Shankar Bigha, Miyanpur and Ikwari. They in fact bear their inhuman deeds something like a badge of honour and relish the details of each massacre they executed. The six RS men are Chandkeshwar alias Chandreshwar, Pramod Singh, Bhola Singh, Arvind Kumar Singh, Siddhnath Rai and Ravindra Chaudhry. All except Ravindra Chaudhry were accused in Laxmanpur Bathe massacre. Ravindra Chaudhry was however mainly involved in the Sarthua(Bhojpur),massacre.which had taken place in the year 1995. Chandkeshwar and Pramod Singh have been set free by the Patna High Court, while Bhola Singh, Arvind Kumar Singh and Siddhnath Rai were let off the kook by the lower courts. Bhola Singh is still wanted by Bihar Police and is hiding in Tata Nagar, Jharkhand.

The on-camera confessions of these members of the Sena make it amply clear that the dreaded private army had political patronage both at the state and at the centre, and they drop a few big names including those of a former prime minister who helped the outfit get modern weapons that the Indian Army sells as rejected scrap, a former finance minister who is alleged to have helped the Sena with money and some political bigwigs belonging to the BJP who tried to influence the police probe.

Here are excerpts of the interviews that K. Ashish had with these mass murderers.

Chandkeshwar Singh:

A commander of Ranveer Sena who led these massacres from the forefront is Chandkeshwar Singh. Put on life imprisonment by the lower courts for his involvement in Laxmanmur Bathe massacre but let off by the Patna High Court in Oct, 2013. Chandkeshwar Singh confesses not only to his involvement in the Bathani Tola massacre in 1996 in which he claims the private militia massacred 22 Dalits but also to have single-handedly beheaded five low-caste fishermen with his knife.

The assault on Bathani Tola was mounted in broad daylight at 3:00 o’clock in the afternoon and it happened in the presence of a police chowki close-by. The details of how the massacre was carried out are as chilling as the nonchalance with which Chandkeshwar pouts them out.

Claims Chandkeshwar: “Teen baja aur humara sena goli chalana chaloo kar di… teen baje din mein narsanghar hua kar diya wahan police chowki bhi tha (As the clock struck 3, the Sena began firing … it was 3:00 at daytime …the massacre was carried out…there was a police chowki too).” Chandkeshwar gives the headcount of the victims: “Kuch laash usmein se bahar kheench liya tha farari admi ka tab par bhi laash wahan par bais spot par tha … haan bais log ka laash wahan par tha (Some bodies of those who were part of the assault had been cleared from there, but still there were 22 bodies on the spot … yes there were 22 dead bodies lying about).” The massacre was executed at the behest of one Gupteshwar Singh of Khandau village who sent a missive to Chandkeshwar informing him how the CPI-ML cadres were harassing the landlords and it was high time the Sena took action. But Chandkeshwar held a meeting in the village and took signature of all the villagers agreeing to the assault on Bathani Tola. “Uss gaon mein lejakar meeting karaye aur kahe ki aisa toh nahi ho sakta hai na ki hum kaam karwa ke Sena se aise chal de aap log doosre arth lagaiyega toh nahi toh poore gaonse signature kiya isme baad mien hum un sabka time diye teen baje Male waalon ke saath mein humara Sena teen baje ekdum gurantee ladega un sabke saath mein (We held a meeting in that village telling them that the Sena will not take up the assignment this way. Otherwise you may draw your own inferences about it. So we got the signature of the entire village and then we told them we will take on the (CPI)ML people at 3 o’clock).” In this daylight assault, the Sena also lost some of its militiamen.

The blood-curdling account does not stop here. Cocksure the long arms of the law would never reach him, particularly after the Patna High Court set him free for lack of evidence, Chandkeshwar goes on to confess with pathologic nonchalance how he beheaded five poor fishermen, supposedly CPI-ML supporters, at the Sone River, a few hours into the night when 58 poor Dalits, men, women, children and even the unborn, were gunned down or hacked to death in Laxmanpur Bathe, after his team of 32 Sena militiamen had made good their escape in a boat over to Bhojpur.

Claims Chandkeshwar Singh when the Cobrapost reporter asks him if they had killed five more people whose headless bodies were found about the river the next day: “Haan mundi kata tha (Yes, they were beheaded).” These poor fellows were running for their life after escaping from the scene of massacre but were caught by the murderous lot of the Sena. He did not deem it fit, says Chandkeshwar, to waste bullets on them. He simply beheaded them with his knife: “Gussa aa gya jaise goli se kyon maarega hum kyon goli kharch karenge chakoo mere paas hai hi sau do sau ki goli barbad karenge hum chakoo se hi isko kato … kaat diye (I was very angry at them. Why should I waste a bullet on them that is worth Rs 100 or so, I thought. Better use the knife I have. So I cut them down with it).” Confessing to his involvement in the most heinous of mass murders, Chandkeshwar gives an account of how they escaped to Bhojpur via the Sone after the Sena went on its killing spree in Laxmanpur Bathe that fateful night on December 1, 1997. He vividly remembers the time when the Sena launched its assault on the poor Dalits of the village with LMGs, automatics, SLRs and Mausers. “Samay dus … Hum log charh gaye the humara Sena jo tha 10 bajey wahan par hamla kar diya 29 minute net firing ka time hoga goli chala… (It was 10 when we arrived there and the Sena began the assault. The firing went for 29 minutes). The assault left 58 dead.

Siddhnath :

Another Sena commander whose name figures prominently in the investigations conducted by the state CID is that of Siddhnath, an aide of the Sena chief Barmeshwar Singh Mukhiya, Rai was in the decision-making body of the Sena and hence his involvement in all massacres either as a mastermind or as an executor is beyond doubt. However, Siddhnath proved to be a notch above law and is now a free bird. So self-assured Siddhnath is of the fact that they have circumvented the law of the land that he does not bat an eyelid when he owns up to his involvement in six major massacres of Dalits that Sena executed. Churning out details with cold-blooded apathy that only hardened criminals are known to possess, Siddhnath not only recounts the night of bloodbath that Sena had in Laxmanpur Bathe and who were behind it and who executed it but also names a former Prime Minister who had helped his outfit to procure arms.

“Toh ye hua ki bhai usko wahan se hatana ki zaroorat hai kahe ki mazboot pada hua hai wahan pe toh wahi hum log apna party ke sena kahiye satta kahiye kahiye un logon ko wahan ye kiya aur oo log wahan pe ghere donon taraf se counter hua jismein wo log mare gaye (So we decided to eliminate them (the CPI-ML). We should not allow them go stronger. So, our party, I mean the Sena, surrounded them. There was assault and counterassault in which they got killed).”

But before the assault on Laxmanpur Bathe, Sena held a meeting at Belaur village at Arrah to plan the move. Apart from him, present in this meeting were all the members of the core group including Barmeshwar Mukhiya, Vakeel Chaudhry, Bhola Singh, Shiv Narayan Singh and Krishna Nand Chaudhry. “Meeting toh huyi thi kaand se doh roj pehle … hua tha aapke Arrah district mein meeting … gaon toh Belaur mein huyi thi (The meeting took place two days before the massacre … the meeting was held in the Arrah district … took place in Belaur village).”

Opening further up to the Cobrapost team, Siddhnath reveals what he told the police while in custody how they got deadly weapons which only Indian military is authorized to possess and use. “Hum kahe oo hai LMG, MMG kaha oo aap kahan se uplabdh kiya hum kaha main uplabdh kiya tha jab humara pradhan mantri state ka huye the tab toh wo military ka rejected saman tha wahi hum logon ko uplabdh hua tha wo aapas mein baatcheet karta toh aap log deshdrohi hai kisi doosre se mangwa karke rakha hai hum kahe aisa nahi ho sakta hum log deshdrohi nahi ho sakte qatai nahi hum log desh hit ki baat karte hain toh tabhi saman kaise uplabdh hua hum kahe uplabdh hua tha jab pradhan mantri humare huye the kaun pradhan mantri hum kahe Chandra Shekhar … (I told them we have LMGs. They asked how we got them. I told them our Prime Minister got us it from Indian military as rejected lot. They called us traitors. I said no we are not traitors. We are doing it in the interest of the country. That is why we got the arms with help from our Prime Minister. They asked which Prime Minister. I said Chandra Shekhar …).”

And the conduit who got the so-called rejected lot of military weapons, according to Siddhnath, was Surya Dev, a powerful politician from Dhanbaad: “…ek nazdiki the … Surya Dev, Dhanbaad … toh Surya Dev babu wahan se military ka dher sara saman rejected le aye the aur unke paas se hum logo ko prapt hua tha (There was a close supporter of ours … Surya Dev from Dhanbad … it is Surya Dev who brought us a lot of rejected military weapons).” Sidhnath adds further: “Wo ghari pradhan mantri the Chandra Shekhar Singh aur Chandra Shekhar Singh se inka ekdum bhaichara ke jaisa sambandh tha wo aate the toh inhi ke yahan rukte the Surya Dev Babu ke yahan toh wahi hum log ko madad kiye the (In those days, Chandra Shekhar Singh was prime minister and Chandra Shekhar Singh was a very close friend of Surya Dev Babu and upon visiting he would stay at his place. This is how they both helped us).”

Refuting such a claim, Neeraj Shekhar, son of former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhara, claimed that his father did not hide anything from his family, although they knew Surya Dev very well. “Jaisa hum jante hain poora desh janta hai aisa kaam wo nahi kar sakte kisi sena ke liye (As I know so does the whole country, he would not do such favour to any Sena),” says his father of Chandra Shekhar.

Siddhnath also spoke about another of his confessions he had made to the police in custody of his involvement in Aibatpur massacre: “Hum kahe ki wo kaand hua tha wahan Aibatpur Kanpath thana mein wahan saat wo Mushar jaati ke log mare gaye the wo humare samarthakon ke dwara mara gaya tha ye baat satya hai theek na … (I told them about the massacre that took place in Aibatpur under Kanpath police station. Our men had killed seven people of Mushar caste …).”

This massacre was conducted by nine Sena militiamen, but 64 people were named in the FIR by the local police which ultimately helped the murderers get off the hook.

According to Siddhnath, there were nine leaders who formed the core decision-making body of the Sena. He confesses to his involvement in six massacres.

“Hum logon ne … hum log toh ek uss par mein Bathe Belaur huyi thi ghatna aur ek wo Chauri huwa tha aur (Laxmanpur) Bathe, Shankar Bigha, Narayanpur teen Miyanpur chaar Hyderpur paanch Jalpur chheh … Shankar Bigha Bathani Shankar Bigha Bathe ek ghatna hai aur Narayanpur teen ghatna tha …Arval mein aur chheh ghatna yehan hai yehi toh hai (We … one massacre was in Bathe Belaur, one was in Chauri, then (Laxmanpur) Bathe, Shankar Bigha, third was Narayanpur, fourth was Miyanpur, Hyderpur was the fifth … Jalpura was the sixth … Shankar Bigha Bathani Shankar Bigha Bathe was one … the third was Narayanpur and one was in Arval … in all six massacres).” Although it is somewhat difficult to decipher what he is jumbling out, the count of massacres that he purveyed is six, undoubtedly.

When the police asked him when he was in their custody how they could commit such murders with so much butchery, Sidhnath gave this bizarre logic behind indiscriminate killing of women and children: “Humare India mein humara dharm jo hai aisa nahi batata hai ki burhe ko marega toh paap nahi lagega aur jawan ko marega toh paap lagega … aisa koi kanoon nahi hai ki aap jawan ko maroge tabhi bees saal saja aur burhe ko maroge toh doh saal saja aur larka ko maroge tho pachas saal saja. Aisa koi kanoon nahi hai (In India, our religion does not say that if you kill an old man, you won’t become a sinner or that if you kill a young man you will become a sinner … then there is no such law which says that if you kill a boy, you will face imprisonment for 20 years, if you kill an old man you get 2 years jail or if you kill a child you get a term of 50 years. There is no such law).”

If Siddhnath could wriggle out of murder charges with some help from the police who named 64 people in the FIR thus making it difficult, nay impossible, to nail the real culprits, Arvind Kumar Singh of Ikwari village and his fellow Sena men browbeat the eyewitnesses and families of victims to settle for a compromise in two mass murders of Dalits and Muslims that they executed in 1996 and 1997.

Arvind Kumar Singh:

As if committing a mass murder was something to gloat over, Arvind Singh relishes every detail of the killings of his own fellow villagers first in 1996 and then in 1997. Confessing to his involvement in both murders, the Sena strongman from Ikwari tells when and how he and his fellow Sena murderers killed in Ikwari: “Haan Ikwari mein doh narsamhar hua tha … saat log aur nau log mare gaye the (Yes, two massacres took place in Ikwari … seven and nine people were killed).” Adding further he says: “Pehla narsamhar mein saat log mare gaye … doosra mein aath-nau log tha … ek 96 mein hua ek 97 mein hua (Seven were killed in the first massacre … in the second eight–nine people were killed … one happened in 1996 and the other took place in 1997).” Arvind Singh maintains that both Ikwari massacres were the handiwork of the local Bhumihar villagers only. They were planned and executed locally by them, Barmeshwar Mukhiya and the Sena had no role, as Arvind Singh says in a self-implicating manner: “Usmein mukhiyaji nahi the … ismein toh Ikwari ke log hi the … haan total Ikwari ke bahar ka koi nahi … na na Sena toh khud Ikwari mein paanch sau ghar hum log the … aur ek-ek ghar se ek-ek aadmi nikal jata tha toh aise hi Sena ban jata tha … Sena ka humko koi zaroorat nahi tha … jahan paanch sau ghar Bhumihar ho aur maan lo ki do sau ghar se bhi ek-ek aadmi nikal gaya toh aise hi Sena ban jaati thi (Mukhiyaji [Barmeshwar] was not there … only the villagers of Ikwari were involved … yes total[ly] from Ikwari, there was no outsider involved … no no Sena … we have 500 households in Ikwari … and when a member from each family would come out we would have the Sena ready … we never needed the Sena … when you have 500 families of Bhumihar and if only a man each from 200 families volunteered we had the Sena assembled).” Arvind Singh not only could thus assemble a force as big as this on short notice but also had ready a stockpile of modern weapons to accomplish a mission, and when the caste-class enemy was within the precincts of their village the task was easy. Says Arvind Singh of their preparedness: “Hathiyar wagerah sab ghar mein tha … hathiyar toh … bachav ke liye toh sab kuchh khareed rakha tha na … kuchh mehnga hathiyar khareeda tha (Weapons and other things were already stocked at our homes … we had bought weapons for safety … we had also bought some expensive weapons … ).”

Although an accused in both massacres, Arvind Singh and other murderers managed to wriggle out of the reach of the long arms of the law by forcing a compromise on the families of the victims. Claiming that there are no cases pending either against him or against other murderers of Ikwari, he tells how they managed to stay free: “Na na hum sab compromise karwa liye … hum log gaon mein jitna case tha … hum log ke ooper chahe un logon ke ooper keh sun kar chahe laathi danda ke bal se … sab samajha bujha ke sab compromise hai (No, no. We managed to clinch a compromise with them in all cases … we persuaded them with cajoling or show of force to come around and arrived at a compromise with them).” As a result all cases were withdrawn.

Pramod Singh:

Another member of this gang of ruthless killers is Pramod Singh. An accused in the mass killing of Dalits in various massacres that his outfit carried out, Pramod Singh too has been let off by the Patna High Court. But he is still incarcerated in Arrah jail for his involvement in some other crime. Cobrapost reporter met him in the jail, and in this interview the murderer did not flinch even for moment while recounting his involvement in these mass murders. He unabashedly confessed to his involvement in the Miyanpur massacre that his outfit carried out in June 2000 in Aurangabad district. Here is why and how the Ranveer Sena conducted the assault on Miyanpur and killed 32 Dalits and Muslims, in his own words: “Gaon jo tha Naxali support gaon tha Ranveer Sena ke target par bahut pehle tha uss karya ko log anzam diya (That [Miyanpur] village was the supporter of the Naxals and was thus on the target of the Ranveer Sena. We executed that massacre).” The assault was led by none other than Barmeshwar Mukhiya himself as Pramod Singh mumbles an affirmative double “Hoon, hoon” when he is asked if the Sena supremo led the massacre.

When the Cobrapost reporter asks him if he could tell him of any such massacre in which he took part along with Barmehswar Mukhiya and others, he replies: “Miyanpur tha … bahut log tha wo bhi tha (It was Miyanpur [massacre] … there were many … he too [Barmehswar Mukhiya] was there).” The assault party had 10 members of the Sena led by Barmehswar Mukhiya of whom nine were sentenced to life imprisonment but only to be allowed to walk free by the Patna High Court some years later.

The Ranveer Sena’s acquisition of modern weapons like LMGs as army scrap gave it an overwhelming edge over the CPI-ML whose support base mainly came from the socially and economically marginalized sections of rural Bihar, mostly landless Dalits and other low-caste farmhands. A prominent BJP leader supported the dreaded outfit with finances. Says Pramod Singh: “Bhajapa ka sarkar jiss samay tha … Atal Behari Vajpai the … uss samay the Yashwant Sinha … barabar aate the … mukhiya ji se barabar milte the … wo toh humare gaon mein hi … jiss samay chhapemari ho rahi thi uss samay barabar humare gaon mein the (It was when there was the BJP government [at the centre] … there was Atal Behari Vajpai [as prime minister] … there was Yashwant Sinha … he would visit regularly … meet the Mukhiya [Barmeshwar Singh] regularly … he was there in my village when the police were hot on our heels and raiding our places. ” We again get an affirmative double “Hoon, hoon” when we ask him if Yashwant Sinha knew what they were doing or what they were up to. What kind of support they got from Sinha?

Both monetary and political, we get the reply. Here is what he claims of the help the then finance minister purportedly lent the outfit: “Paise se … sarhe paanch lakh ([He] gave us money … Five and half lakh).” Any other kind of support? “Aur kya support karega … jo bhi rajnaitik support jo hota hai (What else support he could lend … other than political support),” quips Pramod Singh somewhat piqued.

The fact that Ranveer Sena had ample political support is borne out not only by the on-camera confessions of these functionaries of the dreaded outfit but also by the interview that Cobrapost had with Justice Amir Das, the former judge of the Patna High Court and the chairman of the commission of inquiry the state government had set up on December 27, 1997 in the wake of Laxmanpur Bathe massacre and outrage it had caused across the country.

Although reticent in his response, Justice Das does not shirk away from naming those who tried to scuttle the probe or influence the police: “Kuchh ka naam toh bata sakte hain jaise Shivanand Tiwary hain, C.P. Thakur hain. Murli Manohar Joshi hain aur Sushil Kumar Modi aur ek mikhiya the naam tha unka uss gaon mein Laxmanpur Bathe ke bagal mein conclusion aya hai ki wo bhi support karte the (I can tell some names, for instance, Shivanand Tiwary, C.P. Thakur, Murli Manohar Joshi and Sushil Kumar Modi. Then there was a head of a village in the neighbourhood of Laxmanpur Bathe about whom we had drawn the conclusion that he too supported [the Ranveer sena]).”

The former chairman of the enquiry commission elaborates how these leaders, particularly Murli Manohar Joshi, tried to browbeat the police to fall in line: “Ab jaise ek gawah aya kaha ki Murli Manohar Joshi aaye the humko dhamka gaye hain ki jara theek se rahiyega theek se investigation toh kijiyega power mein ayenge aapko batate hain … iska matlab ye hua ki wo under pressure jakar ki wo hum unse kuchh karwa lein (We had a witness who said that Murli Manohar Joshi had threatened him asking him to behave and if you conducted investigations properly when we come to power you will have it. This all meant to get things done favourably by putting the fellow under pressure).” The witness was an Investigating Officer of the stare police. The commission issued a notice to Murli Manohar Joshi. Justice Das reveals how Murli Manohar Joshi intervened to influence the police investigations: “Yahan pe ek IO ko aap aye hain massacre ke baad … Senari gaon mein ye gaye hain raid karne aapko khabar mili aur aap aate hain aur IO ko dhamkate hain ki agar aapne aisa kiye toh hum power mein ayenge toh aapko batate hain aur parinam ye hua ki under threat aapne usko rukwa diya baad main jab jirah hua toh palat gaye (He visited after the massacre. The IO had gone to Senari to conduct a raid. He came to know about it and came to see the IO threatening him if he did what he was set to do he would have it when they would come to power. This is how he stopped him from discharging his duty under threat and when he was cross-questioned he denied it).”

Apart from political support right from the ruling dispensation at the centre, the Ranveer Sena had staunch supporters in strongmen like Anand Mohan Singh and Arun Kumar. Pramod Singh recounts how Jahanabad LJP MP Arun Kumar would help them escape the police net after they had executed a mass murder: “Farar stithi mein … jaise maan lijiye police gher li … paanch chheh logon ko nikalna hai jsaise Arun Kumar the saansad Jahanabad saansad wahan pahunch jaate the apni gadi se jo log tha sabki nikal dete the … (When on the run … suppose the police had laid siege of us … five–six people were to be evacuated … then Arun Kumar, the MP of Jahanabad, would reach the spot and would escort away all of them in his car … ).”

However, when the Cobrapost sought his reaction to the claims made by the former Ranveer Sena commander, Arun Kumar was candid in his admission to his acquaintance with Pramod Singh. The Rashtriya Lok Samata Party MP would have nothing to do with Ranveer Sena either, saying: “Humne kisi ki koi madad nahi ki aur na hi Ranveer Sena ki kabhi koi madad ki (I never helped anybody … and I never helped the Ranveer Sena).”

When the nation wondered aloud about the source and purpose of the Purulia arms drop on December 17, 1995, an immediate beneficiary was the Ranveer Sena which got such lethal weapons as AK-47 by the dozen. Says Pramod Singh: “Jaise Purulia mein gira … Purulia se bahut hathiyar aya yahan par (There was this arms drop in Purulia … we got a lot of weapons from there).”

Bhola Rai:

Another Ranveer Sena strongman who has blood of scores of innocent in his hand and whose name figures prominently in the CID report is Bhola Singh. After many days of search across Bhojpur district, Cobrapost team got a tip off on his whereabouts. Still wanted by Bihar Police, the former commander of Ranveer Sena is now living incognito with his family in the steel city of Tata Nagar. Cobrapost reporter interviewed him there in his hideout, in which he confesses to have taken part in the killing of 58 Dalits at Laxmanpur Bathe: “Saath pachas ko wahi par mara tha Laxmanpur Bathe mein (We killed about 50–60 people then and there in Laxmanpur Bathe).” He says this was the most important massacres of all that his outfit carried out:

“Laxmanpur Bathe ko hi bolta hai wo do gaon hai ek hi hai Laxmanpur Bathe ko hi bolta hai … adhikansh hatya kiya humne wahan par bahut (I consider Laxmanpur Bathe the most important [of all massacres] … that is a twin village … there I killed many people).” According to him there were 100 members of the Sena who launched the assault that was led by one of his nephews: “Uska lead kiya tha Ekwari ka hi humara ek bhatija tha Santu naam tha (The attack was led by one of my nephews, Santu, from Ekwari village).” Barmeshwar Singh, the Sena chief popularly called Mukhiya, was also part of the assault team as Bhola Singh replies in an affirmative “Ji (Yes),” when the reporter asks if Barmeshwar Singh and he himself were among the attackers. “Haan hum bhi the (Yes I too was there),” he says with a sense of pride.

Bhola Singh recounts the assault on Laxmanpur Bathe: “Nadi ke uss paar Bathe hai aur iss paar hum log hain toh … idher se udher wo apna aata jaata tha Sone mein ussi ka nav tha nav se idhar udhar aa jaata tha aur idhar kuch crime karke chala jata tha … hum logon ko bhi aisa laga ki udhar se aa raha hai toh kahe nahi uss ke gaon mein charh jai wahi par chhipa hoga charh jai plan bana diyye charh gaye aur jakar soye hue the sab soye mein sab pakda gaya sab mara gaya hum logon ka wahan par kuch casualty nahi hui (There is [Laxmanpur] Bathe across the river and we live on this side of the river. They [CPI-ML] would come here and go back. They had their own boat by which they would cross the Sone, come to our place and commit some crime and return. We thought since they come from that side of the village, why should we not mount an assault on it. They must be taking shelter there. We worked out a plan and launched the attack. All were sleeping and were caught by surprise and killed. We suffered no casualties).”

The assault on Laxmanpur Bathe was launched with semi-automatic weapons as Bhola Singh claims: “Hum logon ke paas tha semi-automatic (We were carrying semi-automatic [weapons]).” Undoubtedly, such weapons cannot be owned legally.

In our pursuit to dig more and more about murderers of Ranveer Sena, the Cobrapost team met Sanjiv Singh, general secretary of the Akhil Bharatiya Rashtravadi Kissan Sangathan, the Sena in its new avatar after it was banned, and Shailedra Vatsayan, spokesperson of the outfit. Sanjiv told us about one Upendra Magiha who he says was commander-in-chief of the Ranveer Sena who at the behest of its chief Barmeshwar killed hundreds of people: “Upendra Magiha Ranveer Sena ke jo hathiyar band log the unka wo command karte the un karraviyon mein aur wo hain … Magiha bahut seedha aadmi hai … jo sahi mein jo saikadan hatya kiya hai wah aadmi bahut seedha aur saccha aadmi hai (Upendra Magiha used to command the armed squad of the Ranveer Sena during those operations … and he … Magiha is a simple fellow … the man who has murdered hundreds is really a very simple and innocent fellow).” Cobrapost team was able to locate Magiha, the Most Wanted murderer of the lot, he refused the interview, however.
However we approached Bhola Singh for his reaction he blatantly denied about his involvement in any of the massacres and in fact stated that he was paralytic during the occurrence of those events and was not present on ground zero. He however acknowledged the fact that members of Ranveer Sena were indeed involved in those massacres.

Ravindra Chaudhry:

One of the prime accused in the massacres of Dalits in 1995, but set free by the courts, Ravindra Chaudhry has no qualms while confessing to his involvement in all major massacres of Dalits in Bihar which were executed by his outfit Ranveer Sena upon his nod. He proudly accepts the role he played in planning, of course along with the then Sena chief Barmeshwar Mukhiya, such massacres. We come to know from him that the Ranveer Sena had actually planned to execute as many as 50 massacres in a single day.

“Hum log toh aisa ranneeti banaye the ki ek hi din mein pachas gaon mein narsamhar ho tab jaaker sarkar ki need tootegi nahi toh sarkar toh bas yehi soch rahi hai ki ek desh mein alpsankhyak hain ati pichhri hain pichhri hai iske alawa koi jaati hi nahi hai (We had in fact worked out a strategy to execute massacres across 50 villages in a single day to wake up the government from its torpor. Otherwise, the government will always think that no castes other than the minorities, most backward and backward live in this country),” says Chaudhry of the diabolical plan of the Sena, spewing the caste hatred that has left thousands of Dalits dead so far in Bihar.

The Cobrapost reporter met Chaudhry at Belaur village in Bhojpur who opens up to divulge all what was unknown to the larger world about the working of Sena, training of its cadre by active army men on leave and the support it garnered not only from its sympathizers to buy arms and put in place required logistics for a planned operation but also from the likes of Anand Mohan Singh.

He says of the role Anand Mohan Singh played in instigating the upper caste landlords and their militiamen while offering them arms of any kind and caliber: “Jo naujawan neta ata tha bujurg nahi naujawan neta jaise Anand Mohan aaye bechare poora keh gya ki humare paas hathiyron ka jakhira hai jo jo hathiyar lena chahte ho aaker le jao (One young leader called Anand Mohan came and told us that he has a cache of all kinds of arms. Whatever you need you can pick).”
Anand Mohan Singh is incarcerated for the murder of a District Magistrate. So, Cobrapost spoke to his wife Lovely Anand. Claiming such allegations were a conspiracy, the MP’s wife, who herself is a former MP said: “Humara in logon se koi relation nahi raha hai (We had no relation whatsoever with them)”

In this interview, Chaudhry comes across as the one who used to order the death squads of the Sena to undertake a particular operation as his confession makes it undoubtedly clear what role he played: “Humare kehne se anzam mane anzam maan lijiye hum anzam nahi diye lekin huqam toh humi na diye maan lijiye kaam humen nahi kiya hatya nahi karte hain lekin kahe ki hatya karo toh hum hi na kiye ([the massacres were] executed upon … you can say I did not execute them but it was me who ordered. You can say I did not execute the job, I did not kill, but when I ordered to commit a murder then I did it).”

A couple of minutes later he makes it even more clear thus: “Saath pachas logon ko hum log bheje the doosre gaon mein lekin wahan koi nahi mila toh doosre gaon mein kiya (I dispatched a squad of 50–60 members to a particular village, but they did not find a single soul there and execute the order in another village).” Such missions were carried out with modern weapons like LMGs and SLR which were procured with help from all possible quarters: “Sab hai sab hathiyar hai sare logon ne madad kiya hai donate kiya hai daan mein diya hai paisa se bhi (We have all kinds of weapons. All people have helped us, donated us the arms. We have also bought with money).”

The Sena militia was trained in the use of such armory by jawans of Indian army on leave or retired. Says Chaudhry: “Training military ke jawan log karate the … jo hum logon ke military ke aadmi hain wo chhutti par aate the toh oo dete the … maan lijiye ki itna bada gaon hai toh chaar sau do sau military ke jawan hain … gaon mein agar ek do bhi aa gaya toh kaam chal gaya ladne le liye log … (We have men in military and they used to give training when on leave … this village is large enough and there are about 200–400 men in military … if we get one or two men from each family we get enough men to fight ).” This kind of training and modern weaponry was put to a deadly effect by the outfit in massacre after massacre.

Chaudhry has no remorse of killing women and children in such raids by the Sena. Says Chaudhry, “Haan haan karan ki jahan bheja jaata tha wahin log jaate the ab maan lijiye ki aapko bheja gaya ki doh thoh paka aam tod ke laiye aur oo danda chalaya ped par toh aath tho paka gira panch tho kachcha gir gaya toh usko kaat diya jayega ki kachcha tod diya … bheja gaya ki hatya kijiye jawanon ki aur jawanon ke saath bachcha mil gaya toh uska bhi safai kiya toh kauno payment par nahi hai ki uska payment kaat liya jayega usko dandit kiya jayega (Yes, the reason is our men will go wherever they were told to go … now suppose you are asked to pick a couple of ripe mangoes? You hit the mango tree with a stick … as a result eight ripe mango fall and along with them 5 raw mangoes also fall. Now should you be punished for felling raw mangoes? we send our men to kill the young able-bodied and if some children also get killed along with them should they be punished … they are not on payroll so as to punish them by cutting their payments).” This is how a neurotic Chaudhry put the collateral damage that his militia caused as they went about butchering defenseless women and children, even unborn.
We find an echo of what Chaudhry says in our interview with Shailendra Vatsayan,

The spokesperson of the Akhil Bharatiya Rashtravadi Kissan Sangathan: “Idhar se logon ne kaha teri chhattees inch ki atadi hai na … chhattees ke jawab mein chhattees inch phad denge hum tumko kya tumhari auraton tak ko phad doonga jisase kabhi koi bhavishya mein baccha na jane (Our men also said if you got an intestine of 36 inches … we will tear up the whole of 36 you got. And not just you, we will also tear your women … so that they will never give birth in future).”

And the Sena murder squads did just that: killed their women and tore up their wombs so they would never bear children who would embrace Naxalism when grown up and become a source of threat to their hegemony, both social and economic. Someone had called these kinds of mass murders ethnic cleansing, and in India there are certain communities which have been persecuted for ages as their blood is expendable, so is their right to life and dignity, held inviolable in the country’s Constitution, and still there would be no mass protests against such barbaric acts or clamour for an SIT probe by civil society of any hue.

If the state police of Bihar fumbled on probing these crimes against humanity, for obvious reasons, so that the cases could not be taken to their logical conclusion, as is obvious from the confessions of the Ranveer Sena commanders interviewed by Cobrapost on how they managed the law, the state political executive saw to it that nothing clinching was established against the perpetrators of these massacres or their mentors in the political establishment. As a result, the Justice Amir Das Commission of Inquiry was bundled up one fine day abruptly. The reason of this sudden volte-face on part of the state executive under the new dispensation of the JDU—BJP alliance was unmistakable: the commission had got to the bottom of the political support that the Ranveer Sena was getting and there were many bigwigs from the BJP both at the centre and at the state level whose names were doing the rounds as mentors of the monstrous private army raised by Bhumihar—Rajput landlords. Justice Das explains why the government wrapped up the commission unceremoniously: “Uss samay achanak ruk gai, bina kisi notice ka bina kisi report ka. Aap isse submit kar dijiye matlab without any ultimatum … Chief Minister Nitish sarkar ka gathan hua usmein Deputy Chief Minister Sushil Kumar Modi the, toh Nitish toh ismein involve nahi the toh unka naam nahi aya tha, lekin Sushil Kumar Modi ka naam aya tha, Sushil Kumar Modi RSS ke, RSS kya, RSS ke kaha jaye, uske ki BJP party ke bahut saare log jo aye the, un logon ka naam bhi tha… (It was closed down all of a sudden, without any report or notice. I was not asked to submit the report either. I mean it was done without any ultimatum. When Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s government was formed, Sushil Kumar Modi was Deputy Chief Minister. Nitish was not involved in it so his name did not crop up. But Sushil Kumar Modi’s name did crop up along with many from the RSS or say from the BJP).” The Cobrapost has a copy of the report of the commission.

The acquittals have been challenged in the Supreme Court and thus the cases are subjudiced. This investigation was undertaken by Cobrapost only to bring forth some dark truths about such crimes against humanity which would have remained in dark otherwise.

Cobrapost contacted Murli Manohar Joshi, CP Thakur and Susheel Kumar Modi for their reaction to Justice Ameer Das commission but didn’t receive any comments from them till the time of going to the press. Ex finance Minister Yashwant Sinha didn’t respond to Cobrapost emails.

Source – Cobrapost

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What does Azadi mean to you?


Azadi for me is the freedom to ‪#‎EatBeef‬!

Azadi for me is not imposing ‘Hindu Rashtra’ on Indians.

Azadi for me is ban on moral police and Brahmin fanatics organisations!

Azadi for me is ‘Annihilation of Caste’.

Azadi for me is creating a nation where fellow human beings are treated equally.

Azadi for me is creating a nation where we don’t worship animals and plants but treat fellow human beings with respect and love.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalit kids at schools are not forced to do toilet cleaning work.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalit students in schools are not purified by sprinkling cow urine on them.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalit people are not killed just because they had same name as some upper caste people had.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalits don’t have to remove their shoes while passing in front of upper caste homes.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalit homes are separated by walls in the villages.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalit students’ scholarships are issued on time.

Azadi for me is building a nation where food cooked by Dalit women is accepted by so called upper caste students!

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalit women are not paraded naked, raped and forced to commit suicide.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalit kids are not made to sit separately in schools.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalit students seats at colleges are not filled by upper castes students having fake Dalit certificates.

Azadi for me is building a nation where there are not separate barber shops for Dalits.

Azadi for me is building a nation  where caste wise columns in matrimonial pages don’t appear.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalits don’t have have to sip tea from separate tea cups.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalits don’t have to wait for years to get justice in courts and where justice is not denied.

Azadi for me is building a nation where to deliver justice, judges don’t use Manusmriti.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalits are not shown as degraded characters in movies.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalits and Muslims are not denied renting homes.

Azadi for me is building a nation where parents don’t teach their kids about their caste!

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalit and Muslim are not kept in jails for years without any crime.

Azadi for me is building a nation where we don’t hang innocent people.

Azadi for me is building a nation where shankracharyas etc caught for the involvement in rapes, murders and killings are punished.

Azadi for me is building a nation where there are no devidasis (temple prostitutes).

Azadi for me is building a nation where Kherlanji, Badaun etc massacres don’t happened.

Azadi for me is building a nation where police don’t rape innocent girls at the police stations.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Bathani Tola, Jehanabad, Laxmanpur Bathe, Melavalavn etc massacres don’t happen.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalit kids are not forced to play in separate play grounds.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalits are not boycotted in villages.

Azadi for me is building a nation where job openings don’t come with – ‘Dalits need not to apply’.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalits, Muslims can buy flats in any colony and ads don’t come with – ‘only for Brahmins’.

Azadi for me is building a nation where Dalits are not killed for having a Dr. Ambedkar songs on mobile!

What does Azadi mean to you?

~~

On 15th August, there was just a power transfer from British people to so called upper caste Brahmins of India.

Did anything else change for Dalit-Bahujans? No. They were suffering in British rule and they are still suffering. What you think?

Freedom of mind is the real freedom. A person, whose mind is not free though he may not be in chains, is a slave, not a free man. One, whose mind is not free, though he may not be in prison, is a prisoner and not a free man. One whose mind is not free though alive, is no better than dead. Freedom of mind is the proof of one’s existence. – Dr. Ambedkar

 

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What Dr. Ambedkar said on Independence Day (15th August)


“It is not enough to have just a politically independent India. What is also needed is to have an Indian nation where every citizen will have religious and political rights, so that every person will have equal opportunity to develop.”

Independence2

“Independence is no doubt a matter of joy. But let us not forget that this independence has thrown on us greater responsibilities. By independence, we have lost the excuse of blaming the British for anything going wrong. If hereafter things go wrong, we will have nobody to blame except ourselves. There is a greater danger of things going wrong. Times are fast changing.”

Independence

“There is no nation of Indians in the real sense of the world, it is yet to be created. In believing we are a nation, we are cherishing a great delusion. How can people divided into thousand of castes be a nation? The sooner we realise that we are not yet a nation, in a social and psychological sense of the world, the better for us.”

No Indian

Check also – 

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar on Republic Day (26th January)

26 facts you need to know about 26th January – Indian Republic Day

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Caste Discrimination in Australia


Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar had rightly said that wherever these upper caste hindus will go they will bring caste system and discrimination with themselves.

It’s a prejudice that’s been outlawed in India. But now it seems caste discrimination could be creeping into daily life in Australia.

Mitra and Rita Pariyar came to Australia three years ago, believing they would leave behind the prejudice they faced in Nepal. They were wrong.

A recent lunch in Sydney revealed how deeply ingrained the couple’s caste status is — even among friends.

“The only burgers left were beef burgers and what my friends told me was that it was alright for me to pick up the beef because I was an untouchable and therefore I shouldn’t really mind about it,” Mitra says.

“But I felt offended about it because I consider myself as much a Hindu as they are.”

Mitra and Rita are Damais — members of one of Nepal’s lowest Hindu castes, otherwise known as untouchables.

Mitra says they’re frequently the targets of jokes by other members of the Australia’s Nepalese community.

“It’s almost a part of their lingo that they use these derogatory terms. You are damai, you are as black as a kami, these comments are common. So the upper caste people might not feel it, they might use it as a form a joke, but it badly hurts us.”

Employment discrimination

Two weeks ago, Rita was interviewed for a job. She says the interview was going well — then the Nepalese interviewer learned her surname.

A week later, Rita called the manager to confirm her start date.

“She said No. And I said why? And she said no reason, I am going overseas, like that. And I feel that I am low caste, and that’s why.”

But the discrimination extends beyond employment prospects.

Mitra says their low caste identity also isolates him socially within the Nepalese community.

“The discrimination or the exclusion is more subtle – they won’t say ‘you are low caste, get away,’ but it’s more likely that I am not included in family events, and functions and festivals. There is more open and more formal sort of segregation as well, that’s because caste associations are creeping in in the country.”

“They use these derogatory terms, ‘You are damai, you are as black as a kami’ – these comments are common. So the upper caste people might use it as a joke, but it badly hurts us.”

Raj Azad agrees caste discrimination is happening in Australia.

He is a Dalit — a caste so low in India that it is not recognised officially in the country’s social hierarchy — and has found the discrimination he faced in India had followed him to university in Melbourne.

“In my class I found two boys arguing with each other and they were using different caste names to abuse each other.”

“Indians are really good at identifying the castes of each other.  They microscopically peel it layer by layer and then they come to know and that is what hurts me.”

Monash University researcher Lavanya Raj says when Indian Australians realise she’s a Dalit — also known as an untouchable — they change the way they behave towards her.

Her flatmate was from the highest caste, Brahmin, and when he found out her caste their once friendly relationship turned sour.

“Once we were just having a discussion and I was supposed to give him some money – some money that we use for the house to buy stuff,” she says.

“When I gave it to him, he put his hands out as if he was going to take it but then something told him in his mind that probably he should not touch me, and he withdrew his hand and asked me to keep the money on the table.”

“I was extremely angry and I threw the money, not exactly on him but somewhere near him and I walked off.”

A widespread problem

Many South Asian countries have outlawed caste-based discrimination, while in Britain, caste is recognised as a form of discrimination under its equality act.

John Kennedy is president of the United India Association, a group representing many Indian-Australian associations in Sydney.

He acknowledges caste is increasingly creeping into Indian-Australian communities, but he rejects the practice.

“Casteism, yes I can see that certain communities have started their own caste-based associations in Australia, and I can see that it is being practised in Australia,” he says.

“But as an Australian citizen I don’t want this to happen.”

“If racism is not allowed in this country, why should casteism?”

There are around 100 Australian-based Hindu temples and their priests all belong to the Brahmin caste.

Co-founder of Sydney’s Helensburgh Hindu temple, Natarajan Iyer, says currently there’s no need to appoint priests from lower castes.

“99 per cent of them will be Brahmins.  If there is a need we may consider it.  Right now, we are not in that sort of a situation.”

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The law in other countries

Caste discrimination is outlawed in many South Asian countries, including India and Nepal. Other countries affected are taking steps to address the issue.

Britain’s House of Lords adopted an amendment outlawing caste discrimination in 2013.

So far, a caste discrimination case has not reached the Australian courts.

Race Discrimination Commissioner Dr Tim Soutphommasane says there is no legal mechanism to address complaints for caste discrimination in Australia.

“If racism is not allowed in this country, why should casteism?”

“If there is discrimination that involved caste alone, then it’s by no means clear that we would accept the complaint. Caste is not specifically covered under the discrimination law that we have at the federal level.”

Professor Simon Rice from the Australian National University College of Law says caste-specific laws are not needed in Australia, as it is covered by other legal mechanisms.

“I don’t know that we need to legislate specifically for caste. Race covers a whole range of characteristics- skin colour, for example, nationality, ethnic origin, caste will just be another one in the list.”

But Mitra says specific recognition of caste-based discrimination in Australia would help to stop its spread.

He says it would also help vindicate those members of the community experiencing caste discrimination.

“If racism is not allowed in this country, why should casteism?”

With Raymond Selvaraj and Kulasegaram Sanchayan from SBS Radio Tamil

Source – SBS

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Filed under Caste Discrimination, Casteism, Dr B R Ambedkar, Latest

Ambedkar ‘s Perspective on Restructuring Indian Nation in the context of Dalit Question


Ambedkar ‘s Perspective on Restructuring Indian Nation in the context of Dalit Question

Sukhadeo Thorat*

Introduction

The Caste System in its classical form is an unique institution of social governance of the Hindu society. It is based on some specific principles and rules which make it an unique one. Foremost of them is that it involve a division of persons in various social groups called castes The division is created and maintained through institution of endogamy. The duties and the rights, (civil, cultural/religious, political and economic) are assigned to each of these castes by birth in advanced but in an unequal manner . The duties and rights are thus pre-determined by birth in to the specific caste and are hereditary ,not subject to change by deeds of the individuals . The social position or standing of each caste is hierarchically arranged , in the sense that the rights gets reduced in descending order, that is , from the Brahmin( who are located at the top of hierarchy) to the untouchable ,who are placed at the bottom of the caste hierarchy .The caste are hierarchically arranged in a manner that they are interlinked with each other such that rights and privileges of the high castes become the disabilities of the lower castes .In this sense caste does not exist in single number but only in plural , and interlinked (or made interdependent) with each in an unequal measure of relationship. Therefore one has to look at castes as “system” and not caste as single entity in isolation. Another distinguish feature of this system is that it laid down a systematic machanism for enforcement in the form of social and economic ostracism involving penalties and punishments against the violation of the system in practice. But above all the system is sanctified and supported, directly or indirectly by the philosophical elements in Hindu religion. Therefore for generality of Hindus the caste system is religiously sanctified institution to be practice as system of divine creation and matter of religious faith. It is this religious foundation and sanctity, which provide enduring strength and stubbiness to the institution of caste (Lal Deepak, 1984, Ambedkar 1936 and 1987 )

Thus the caste system is essentially based on the divine principle of inequality encompassing all spheres (civil, cultural, religious, economic and political) of social relations. In its practical consequence it has lead to immense inequality between the caste groups. But the real burden of the system has fallen on the untouchables in so far as they did not have any rights ,civil ,religious or economic. The untouchables not only suffered from lack of any rights of livelihood but they are also excluded and isolated through the institution of untouchability and un approachability and residential segregation and physical separation . So the “Isolation and exclusion” is the unique feature from which only untouchables suffer. The lack of any rights, coupled with exclusion, isolation and discrimination led to highest degree of social and economic deprivation among the untouchables .

How to reform the Hindu social order and solve the problem of untouchable is the problem with which Ambedkar was pre-occupied and devoted most of his intellectual, social and political efforts during the period between early 1920 to mid 1950. Ambedkar began social and political activities around early 1920’s . The early 1920s is a period which is marked by some crucial development. It is necessary to mention them here because, it is during this period that important political and social organizations had emerged.And it is through encounters and interaction with various ideological stands that Ambedkar’s alternative ideological paradigm had been developed. Gandhiji emerged on the political scene in the early 1920 and with this also emerged “Gandhism” which in tern had a powerful influence on the perspective on the question of dalit particularly by the congress . The communist party was established in 1920 in Kanpur and with this a formal Indian Communist Movement began with its base in “communist ideology”. Similarly, the democratic socialists thoughts and groups associated with few of its variants also emerged during this period. The Arya Samaj Movement though started earlier become very active in 1930s particularly in northern India. At the other ideological extreme RSS was formed in 1925 in Maharashtra , the state where Ambedkar come from. This is also period during which non Brahnism movement was quite active .And this is also the period of an active dalit movement initiated by Ambedkar. . It is necessary to recognize that all these movements had the issue of untouchable on their agenda in one way or other. Therefore Ambedkar came in constant contact with most of them and fairly closely with two of them namely Gandhism and Marxism. The interaction and experience was really facilitated by the fact that the center stage of these movements was western India – more particularly the Maharashtra state and with in Maharashtra, a city of Bombay – the state and city where Ambedkar came from. Ambedkar not only interacted with Gandhism, Marxist and the socialists and backward caste movements but in the initial years was associated with some of them. And it is through this interaction and experience that Ambedkar’s alternative ideological position was developed in the latter years.ureing.

In this context this paper focuses on some selected issues on the question of reform of Hindu society .Firstly we trace the encounter of Ambedkar with the alternative ideological paradigms on the issue of restructuring of Hindu social order .We concentrated only on two of them namely Gandhism and Marxism , and highlight the differences (or similarities) between them .Secondly we examine as to how the limitation of these two ideological approaches ( in Ambedkar’s view) in explaining and solving the problem of untouchables induce Ambedkar to search for an alternative perspective which later on came to be known as “Ambedkarism” (Gail 1994).Thirdly we study the influence of Ambedkar ‘s perspective on the evolution of the Indian policy toward the dalits and finally trace the changes in their social and economic condition since independence in 1947.

Gandhism and Dalits – Ambedkar ‘s Response

Ambedkar and Gandhiji began social and political activities for eradication of untouchability almost in same period i.e. in the early 1920’s and infact also worked together for short time However, over a soon Ambedkar could not find much common ground for cooperation and collaboration and initiated activities through his own platform . It is therefore necessary to state the difference in the position of Gandhi and Ambedkar on the question of restructuring of Hindu social order . This is necessary because Gandhism may have become a less powerful force in several sphere but as a ideological solution to the problem of untouchable continue to have significant influence and guiding force for several organizations like Harijan Sevak Sangh. The only common ground for Gandhiji and Ambedkar is their concern for the problem of untouchability – both worked for its eradication. But their explanation and solution differs significantly. In this context at least three important differences about Gandhiji’s position needs to be understood. Because more often that not Gandhiji’s view on untouchability and caste are interpreted in an manner which are in contravene to the writings of Gandhiji himself.

Firstly, Gandhiji opposed the practice of untouchability but believed that untouchability has no serious connection with Hindu social organization namely the caste system.

Secondly, till 1946 Gandhiji supported caste system. . Ambedkar quote Gandhiji on this issue :

“I believe that if Hindu society has been able to stand because it is founded on the caste system. Caste has a ready made means for spreading primary education, caste has a political basis. Caste can perform judicial function. I believe that inter dining or inter-marriages are not necessary for promoting national unity. The caste system cannot be said to be bad because it does not allow inter dining or inter-marriage between different caste. To destroy caste system and adopt Western European Social System means that Hindu must give up principle of hereditary occupation which is the soul of caste system. The caste system is a natural order of society. This being my views I am opposed to all those who are out to destroy the caste system.( Ambedkar 1946)

In 1925 Gandhiji became critical of caste system and observed.

“I gave support to caste system because it stands for restraint. But at present caste does not mean restraint,it means limitations.Restraint is glories and helps to achieve freedom. But limitation is like a chain .Its binds.There is nothing comandable in castes as they exist today.They are contrary to the tenets of the shatras.The number of castes is infinite and there is bar against intermarriage .This is not a condition of elevation. It is a state of fall.”
Gandhiji suggested an alternative to the caste system.

“The best remedy is that small castes should fuse themselves into big caste. There should be four such big castes so that we may reproduce the old system of four varnas.

The varna system suggested by Gandhiji is however, different from that of Arya Samaj or Geeta .The concept of Varna system of Geeta and Arya Samaj simply label the people in four Verna depending on the basis of occupation but there is freedom for individual to move from one varna to another if the occupation is change.So the process of learning ( or the taking of occupation of other varna) is open and free.Gandhiji ‘s concept of the varna system is different ,in the sense that in makes the learning process open to all varnas but it does not allow them to use acquired skill and knowledge for earning his living other than the occupation assigned to varna . The principle of hereditary occupation is the basis of new varna system of Gandhiji.So Gandhiji ‘s concept of varna is closed to the traditional concept of caste system .It only make small concession in so far as it allowed every varna the access to education or learning but it restrict the use of knowledge for taking the occupation of other that your own varna.So the untouchable may have access to education and skill formation but they should continue to carry their traditional or hereditary occupation namely of serving other Varna. Thus the alternative concept of Varna prescripted by Gandhiji is essentially is not different from that of caste system of Manu.

Thirdly, Gandhiji denies any connection of caste system with Hindu religious ideology.As we shall see later Ambedkar differs with Gandhiji on each of these points namely, inter-connection of untouchability with caste system and of both with Hindu religious ideology and Gandhiji’s modified varna system as a ideal form of social organization.Therefore, there has been a much less common ground on the question of restructuring of Hindu social order and hence the question of dalit.It may also be mentioned that also on economic issue there is difference between Ambedkar and Gandhiji.( more on this point in later section) Gandhi advocated the concept of – Trusteeship based on private property , harmonious class-relation, in general opposed western civilization including the use of modern machine and method , ( Ambedkar 1946) .Ambedkar on the other hand was against the concept of Trustiship,favoured economy based on common ownership of property at least in agricultural land and key and basic industries in the form of state socialism and is in favour of scientific development.

Ambedakar ,dalits and Indian Marxists

Beside Gandhiji Ambedkar came in close contact with Indian Communist particularly during early 1930s. and the caste and class paradigm of Ambedkar was formed during 1930s in course of confrontation with Indian Marxists. In 1930s Ambedkar worked quite closely with Marxists in Bombay through his own political platform namely Independent Labour Party, however he developed differences and therefore differ on the issue of class-caste paradigm at least on three main points.Before we identify those points it must be mentioned that Ambedkar’s ideas on the economic system were mainly inspired by Marxian framework. In the lecture on Buddha and Karl Marx, Ambedkar observed,

What remains of the Karl Marx is a residue of fire, small but still very important. The residue in my view consists of four items:

(1) The function of philosophy is to reconstruct the world and not to waste its time in explaining the origin of the world.
(2) That there is a conflict of interest between class and class.
(3) That private ownership of property brings power to one class and sorrow to another through exploitation.
(4) That it is necessary for the good of society that the sorrow be removed by the abolition of private property. (Ambedkar 1956)

Thus Ambedkar recognized that there is a class conflict between classes and private ownership of property is the root source of deprivation of the poor masses and that it can be removed by economic reorganization of society on socialistic pattern. Ambedkar thus agreed with ends namely the socialism. However he differed with Marx on the means of realizing the objective of socialism. He advocated democratic means and believed that democratic means are slow but far more enduring ,stable and permanent . This was the first difference with the Indian Marxists.

The second difference was on the question of caste and class interlinkages. .Communists took no note of caste problem during the social reform movement of Ambedkar as they assumed that the explanations of all social problems could be provided in terms of class analysis alone. Ambedkar strongly insisted on the recognition of caste and untouchability as a crucial social reality. He differ with the communists on class-caste paradigm on two main grounds. Ambedkar believed that the caste system involve exploitation and hence argued for undertaking reform of Hindu society as a pre-condition for both political and socialist reform.

On the first question Ambedkar asked as to whether socialists could ignore the problem arising out of the social order. Ambedkar observed.

“They profound that man is an economic creature, and his life is governed by economic facts, that property is the only source of power. They therefore, preach that political reform by equalization of property must have precedence over every other kind of reform.”

Ambedkar argued that economic power is not the only power. That the social and religious status of an individual can also be a source of power and therefore it has to be dealt with.

On second issue Ambedkar emphasized the necessity of undertaking reform of Hindu social order as a precondition for political reform and for socialist reform. Ambedkar raise the question ,namely ,

“Can you have economic reform without first bringing about a reform of the social order?… and argued that… “it is not enough for Marxist to say that I believe in perfect equality in the treatment of various classes. To say that such a belief is enough is to disclose a complete lack of understanding of what is involved in socialism. If socialism is a practical programme and is not merely an ideal, distant and far off, the question for socialist is not whether he believes in equality. The question for him is that whether he minds one class ill-treating and suppressing another as a matter of system, as a matter of principle and thus allow tyranny and oppression to continue to divide one class from another.”(Ambedkar 1936)

In the opinion of Ambedkar Dalit will not join in revolution for equalization of property unless they know that after the revolution is achieved they will be treated equally and that there will be no discrimination of caste and creed. Ambedkar argued

“Mere assurance of Marxist is not good enough – the assurance must be the assurance proceeding from much deeper foundation, namely the mental altitude of compatriots towards one another in their spirit of personal equality and fraternity. Can it be said that the proletariat of India, poor as it is, recognize no distinction except that of rich and poor? Can it be said that the poor in India recognize no distinctions of caste or creed,high and low?If the fact is that they do, what unity of front can be expected from such proletariat in its action against the rich? How can there be a revolution if the proletariat cannot present a united front. Ambedkar further argued that to excite the proletariat to bring about an economic revolution, Karl Marx told them: “you have nothing to lose except your chains.” But the artful way in which the social and religious rights are distributed among the different castes whereby some have more and some have less, make the slogan of Karl Marx quite useless to excite the Hindus against the Caste System. Castes form a graded system of sovereignties, high and low, which are jealous of their status and which know that if a general dissolution came, some of them stand to lose more of their prestige and power than others do. You cannot, therefore, have a general mobilization of the Hindus, to use a military expression, for an attack on the Caste System.

Therefore, in view of Ambedkar the socialist must recognized that the problem of social reform is fundamental even for the participation of Dalits in Socialistic revolution.

Ambedkar put the case for social reform as follows:

But the base is not the building. On the basis of the economic relations a building is erected of religious, social and political institutions. This building has just as much truth (reality) as the base. If we want to change the base, then first the building that has been constructed on it has to be knocked down. In the same way, if we want to change the economic relations of society, then first the existing social, political and other institutions will have to be destroyed.( Gail 1999)

As early as 1936 Ambedkar argued that

“The social order prevalent in India is a matter which Socialist must deal with, that unless he does so he cannot achieve his revolution and that if he does achieve it as a result of good fortune he will have to grapple with it if he wishes to realize his ideal, is a proposition which in my opinion is incontrovertible. He will be compelled to take account of caste after revolution if he does not take account of it before revolution. This is only another way of saying that, turn in any direction you like, caste is the monster that crosses your path. You cannot have political reform, you cannot have economic reform, unless you kill this monster.” (Ambedkar 1936)

The Indian Marxist did not show any concern for the problem of castes during the most part of Ambedkar movement (between the 1920s through 1950s) nor did they provide theoretical explanation for the caste-class paradigm in Indian context. In fact there was no theoretical trend which sought to analyze the interrelation between institution like caste as well as the “material base for caste”. It appeared that this realization came to Engels much earlier.Engel observed.

… According to the materialist conception of history, the ultimately determining element in history is the production and reproduction of real life. More than this neither Marx nor I has ever asserted. Hence if somebody twists this into saying that the economic element is the only determining one he transforms that proposition into a meaningless, abstract, senseless phrase. The economic situation is the basis, but the various elements of the super-structure – political forms of the class struggle and its results, constitutions established by the victorious class after a successful battle, etc., judicial forms, and even the reflexes of all these actual struggles in the brains of the participants, political, juristic, philosophical theories, religious views, and their further development into systems of dogmas – also exercise their influence upon the course of the historical struggles and in many cases preponderate in determining their form. There is an interaction of all these elements in which, amidst all the endless host of accidents, the economic movement finally asserts itself as necessary.

Engel further observed that:

Marx and I are ourselves partly to blame for the fact that the younger people sometimes lay more stress on the economic side than is due to it. We had to emphasize the main principle vis-à-vis our adversaries, who denied it, and had not always the time, the place, or the opportunity to give their due to the other elements involved in the interaction. But when it came to presenting a section of history, that is, to making a practical application, it was a different matter and there no error was permissible. Unfortunately, however, it happens only too often that people think they have fully understood a new theory and can apply it without more ado from the moment they have assimilated its main principles, and even those not always correctly. And I cannot exempt many of the more recent “Marxists” from this reproach, for the most anything rubbish has been produced in this quarter, too…

However, the Indian Marxists ignored this caution and warning of Engels and its application to the Indian situation during most part of the Ambedkars social reform movement between early 1920s to mid 1950s. And even today there are no significant sign or attempt on the part of the Indian Marxists to address the issue of caste even in the Engels framework.

Ambedkar’s Alternative – Constitutional State Socialism with Parliamentary Democracy and Moral revival of Hindu Society through Buddhism

Having recognized the limitations the Gandhism and Marxism in Indian situation Ambedkar developed his approach to the specific situation in India.Ambedkar favoured “ Democratic socialism for economic reorganization of the capitalist economy and Buddhism for social reconstruction or reorganization of Hindu society” . He thus opposed both capitalism and Hindu social organization based on Caste system including Brahmanism and all those elements in Hindu religious philosophy which support directly and indirectly doctrine of inequality and ritualism, fatalism, blind faith ,ignorance and others including Hindu theory of Karma and rebirth which goes against scientific enquiry and temper.

We first discuss the concept of democratic socialism developed by Ambedkar and why? .This is possibly necessary because the concept of socialism as propagated by the democratic socialists, particularly the Indian democratic socialists are varied in nature and lack clarity. Ambedkar’s opposition to capitalism and its alternative in socialism has grown out of his interpretation of democracy. In Ambedkar’s view, the capitalistic system and the parliamentary form of government despite their coexistence for a long time was marked with some painful contradictions. As early as 1943, he observed that “those who are living under the capitalistic form of industrial organization and under the form of political organization called parliamentary democracy must recognize the contradiction of their systems”. The first contradiction concerned the contradiction between the political and the economic system. “In politics, equality, in economics, inequality. One vote, one man one value is our political maxim. Our maxim in economics is a negation of our political maxim. The second contradiction was between fabulous wealth and abject poverty coexisting.

Referring to the first, Ambedkar observed that although parliamentary democracy had progressed by expanding the idea of equality of social and economic opportunity. The hope, however, had not been fulfilled, both on account of wrong ideology. Speaking about ideology, the said that what had adversely affected parliamentary democracy was the idea of “freedom of contract”. This idea had become sanctified and was upheld in the name of liberty. Parliamentary democracy took no notice of economic inequalities and the result of “freedom of contract” on the parties to the contract, if they were unequal. In the name of “freedom of contract”, the strong were given an opportunity to defraud the weak. The result was that the parliamentary system, in claiming to be a protagonist of liberty had continuously added to the economic wrongs of the poor, the downtrodden and disinherited classes.

Also, this ideology did not entertain the possibility that parliamentary democracy might not succeed or that there would be serious discontent if there was no social and economic democracy at its base. Social and economic democracy was the tissues and the fiber of parliamentary democracy. Parliamentary democracy developed a passion only for liberty. But liberty to be real must be accompanied by certain social and economic conditions. First, there had to be social equality. Privileges tilted the balance of social action in favour of their possessors. The more equal the social rights of citizens, the more able they will be to utilize their freedom. Therefore, if liberty was to move to its appointed end, it was important that there should be social equality. In the second, place, there had to be economic security. He wrote:

A man may be free to enter any vocation he may choose… yet if he is deprived of security in employment he becomes prey of mental and physical servitude, incompatible with the very essence of liberty. The perpetual fear of the morrow, its haunting sense of impending disaster, its fitful search of happiness and beauty, which perpetually eludes, shows that without economic security, liberty is not worth having. Men may well be free and yet remain unable to realize the purpose of freedom.

Parliamentary democracy, he wrote, made not even a nodding acquaintance with economic equality. “It failed to realize the significance of equality and did not even endeavour to strike a balance between liberty and equality, with the result that liberty swallowed equality and thus left a progeny of inequalities.

Extending the argument further, Ambedkar observed that in a social economy based on private enterprise and pursuit of personal gain, many people both employed and unemployed had to relinquish their rights in order to gain their living and subject themselves to be governed by a private employer. The assumption in the capitalistic system was that the state should refrain from intervention in private affairs, economic and social, which would result in liberty. Ambedkar observed that ‘but for whom was liberty? To the landlord to raise rent and reduce wages, and for the capitalist to increase hours of work and reduce the rate of wages? It could not be otherwise. For an economic system employing armies of workers producing goods en masse at a regular interval, someone had to make rules so that the worker would work and the wheel of industry would turn. If the state did not do it the private employer would do it, and do it to this advantage.”

To protect the right of the employed as well as unemployed to liberty and to the pursuit of happiness, the most that democratic governments did was to impose arbitrary restraints in the political domain. But such a remedy was of doubtful value. Given that even under adult suffrage all legislatures and governments are controlled by the more powerful, an appeal to the legislature to intervene was a very precarious safeguard against the invasion of the liberty of the less powerful. As an alternative, he suggested limiting not only the power of government to impose arbitrary restraints but also of the more powerful individuals. This was to be done by withdrawing from the more powerful their control over the peoples’ economic life.

Therefore Ambedkar argured that the state had to intervene actively to plan the economic life of people to provide for equitable distribution of wealth. Ambedkar’s proposal was for State ownership in agriculture and a modified form of state socialism in the field of industry and insurance with the remaining economic activities in the private sectors. The state should be obliged to supply the necessary capital for agriculture and industry. Public sector enterprises were to be run most efficiently, with the highest level of productivity possible. Ambedkar was indeed concerned about the efficiency of the public sector institution and therefore emphasized that the efficiency should be the base of state run enterprises. He observed, for example, as regards the structure and nature of the Damodar Valley Corporation:

I am not prepared to accept that the project should be run on non-profitable basis. Nor do I accept that any profit which may accrue after meeting all proper charges shall only be used for reduction of capital expenditure and for betterment of the system. It is impossible to forget the fact that a large part of the misery of the people of the country is entirely due to the inadequate revenue resources of the government. The object of the government business concern is to enable the government to make a profit as any business concern does in order to supplement its resources. I am therefore quite unable to see any justification for ruling out this important purpose from the contribution of Damodar Valley Authority.

Ambedkar saw no alternative to democracy and therefore firmly believed in it as an appropriate form of political organization, but at the same time he emphasized the need to strengthen the social and economic foundation, which he saw as the tissues and fibres of political democracy by making the socialism as part of the constitution .So his concept of state socialism is “constitution state socialism with parliamentary democracy.” He, therefore, advocated a political-economic framework namely constitutional state socialism with parliamentary democracy so that the social and economic organization would be more egalitarian and consequently, the political means would become more meaningful to the poor and underprivileged.

Alternative to Hindu Social and Religious Order

Ambedkar recognized and emphasized the need for social reforms and reorganization along with the economic reforms of Hindu social order for he believe that economic equalization may not change the exploitative social based of the caste system although it may reduce in intensity. So he sees a great necessity to have social reform movement. On this issue Ambedkar in-depth analysis of Hindu social and religious order lead to the firm conclusion that root of untouchability and discrimination lies in social and material based of the Hindu social and religious order. Ambedkar believe that

“Hindu observed untouchability and caste not because they are inhuman or wrong headed.” They observed caste because they are deeply religious. People are not wrong in observing caste. In his view… what is wrong is their religion which has inculcated this notion of caste. If this is correct then obviously the enemy, you must grapple with, is not the people who observed caste, but the Shashtras which teaches them this religion of caste. Criticizing and rediculizing people… is a futile method of achieving the desired end. The real remedy is to destroy the belief in the sanctity of Shashtras… how do you except to succeed, if you allow the Shashtras to continue to mould the belief and the opinion of the people… Reformer working for removal of untouchability… do not seems to realize that the act of the people are merely the result of their belief inculcated upon their mind by the Shashtras and the people will not change their conduct until they cease to believe in the sanctity of the Shashtras on which their conduct is founded.

Ambedkar therefore suggested that

To agitate for and to organize inter caste dinners and inter caste marriages is like forced feeding bought about by artificial means. Make every man and woman free from the thralldom to the Shashtras, cleanse their minds of the pernicious notions founded on the Shashtras, and he or she will inter dine and inter marry, without your telling him or her to do so.

In Ambedkar’s view real remedy is to replace the social relations governed by the caste system to be replaced by the one based on equality, justice and fraternity. It is in this context Ambedkar favoured the social philosophy of Buddha which he thought will help to restructure the social, cultural, political and economic relations to promote equality, justice and fraternity.

Ambedkar’s influence on Indian policy toward dalits

Based on this perspective of Hindu social order (and its adverse consequences on dalits), right from the early 1930’s Ambedkar advocated specific policies to over come the cumulative and multiple deprivation of dalits. The present approach adopted by the government toward the dalits was indeed the contribution of Ambedkar. Ambedkar had argued with the British and the latter with the Congress that the problem of dalit is an unique and different from rest of the poor .It is unique in the sense that dalits are the only group which suffered from exclusion and isolation from all possible means of living and sources of income ( such as land ,capital ,employment ,education ) and also civil, cultural /religious and political rights. The high caste person effects the exclusion and isolation through the machanism of discrimination. The discrimination in all walks of life and restriction on participation in the general process of social and economic development is the main obstacle for the development of dalits. And there fore in addition to the systemic changes (in term of socialistic economy, economic planning , and active role and participation of the state in economic and social governance) ,Ambedkar also favored Reservation policy as an instrument of protecting the dalits from discrimination and ensuring their participation in various spheres of life .Indeed it goes to the credit of Ambedkar that he was able to develop this concept of Reservation or Affirmative action to provide equal participation to the discriminated groups. The policy toward the dalits and even other deprived groups such as tribal and other backward classes during the pre- independence and after was not only conceived by Ambedkar but he was indeed the pioneer and architect of this policy much before it was accepted in many other countries of the world.

The policy of reservation in politic, education , public services and protection for civil and cultural rights in favour of dalits had originated in the early 1930’s in the formulation of the 1935 Act before independent. After the independent in recognition of their unique problem the Indian constitution made special legal provision in 1950 against the practice of discrimination and exclusion and also devised policies to improve their access to social, economic and political rights. In the social spheres two anti-discrimination Acts namely Anti-untouchability Act of 1955 ( later in 1979 renamed as Civil Right Act) and Prevention of Atrocities against Schedule caste Act 1986 were passed.

In the economic spheres there are no specific anti-discriminatory laws, but to protect them from the discrimination the government has developed what is called “Reservation Policy” under which due share in the government jobs , educational institutions and other spheres is ensured in proportion to their population . Additionally in mid 1970’s as a part of Five Year Economic Plan, the government also developed a sub plan named as ‘Special Component Plan for the Schedule Caste” with a purpose to improve their access to employment ,capital ,education and social amenities like housing and canalize the financial resource for the special programmes for their social and economic development.

Thus the ‘anti discriminatory laws’ and “Reservation policy” are two specific policy instruments, which have been used by the government to provide social protection against discrimination and exclusion and to improve the access of the schedule caste (SC) to sources of income and basic service like education, housing etc.

Dalit after Independence-Economic and social change

These special policy instruments along with the general development has brought some improvements in the economic and educational situation of the scheduled caste since the early fifties. There has been some improvement in the ownership of agricultural land and other capital assets , as close to one third of the SC households now are engaged as self employed farmer and business households . The participation in regular/salaried jobs particularly in urban area has also improved .As result of improved access to capital assets and regular/salaried jobs the magnitude of poverty has also reduced from two-third in the early 1950’s to about half in the early 1990’s.There has been a progress in education level. This small but important gains have to be seen in context of traditional customary restrictions on the ownerships of capital assets and basic service like education under the caste system and the institution of untouchability

However despite this positive change the schedule caste still lag far too behind the other groups in Indian society and suffered from high degree of economic deprivation and vulnerability. In the rural area (where three-fourth of SC live) over seventy percent of the SC household still don’t have minimum access to (agricultural) land and non land capital assets and as result over 65% of them are wage labour house holds. In labour market however they suffered from high rate of unemployment and low wage rate. The unemployment rate among the schedule caste is two time higher than other groups and the wage rate also tend to be low as compared with other group, as results of which their yearly wage income is low and there fore magnitude of poverty is high. In the early 1990’s about half of them were poor as against only one fourth among other section. Poverty among the wage labour household was more than sixty percent. The self employed household being engaged in patty business also suffered from high poverty. Thus caste based economic inequality in access to sources of income like capital assets ,employment, education and in the end in poverty between the Schedule caste and rest of the section continued to be high despite some positive change.

Economic Deprivation

In this section therefore we present the changes in the economic and social situation and the nature of economic deprivation and discrimination. How far do the traditional customary restrictions related to ownership of sources of income imposed on the low-caste untouchable continue? Has their access to agricultural land and capital in rural and urban area improved? We have selected data on the comparative situation of the Scheduled Castes (SC) and others in rural and urban areas for the recent years, in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Some sources also go back to the 1960s, the 1970s and to the 1980s.

Disparities in Access to Ownership of Agricultural Land and Capital

About three-fourths of the SCs live in rural areas, where the main sources of income are either cultivation of agricultural land, wage labour or some kind of non-farm self-employment. Access to agricultural land for cultivation and capital for undertaking non-farm self-employment is critical. In 1993-94 only 19.12 per cent of all SC households cultivated land as (independent) self-employment worker whereas among the Other (i.e. non SC/ST) the percentage was more than double, 42.12 per cent (Table 1). The percentage of those employed in some kind of non-farm self-employment activities was 10.32 per cent and 13.89 per cent respectively for SC and Others. Taking both farm and (rural) non-farm self-employment, only 23.49 per cent of SC household seem to be engaged in self-employment activities as compared to 56.31 per cent for others, in rural area.

In urban areas the disparity in the access to capital is well reflected in the lower proportion of self-employed workers among the Scheduled Caste. By 1993-94 only 24.08 per cent of total SC urban households were self-employed, as compared to 35.05 per cent for Others. The lower proportion of SC as self-employed in agriculture, in non-farm sector in rural area and in urban area as compared to others, revealed the continuation of lack of access to SCs to ownership of agricultural land and capital. The limited access to agricultural land and capital assets is both due to the historical legacy associated with the restrictions of caste system to require means of income by the untouchables and ongoing discrimination in land market and capital market and other related economic spheres.

Inadequate access to agricultural land and capital (for self-employment activities) leaves no option to SC workers except to resort to unskilled manual wage labour, consequently it leads to enormously high level of (manual) wage labour among the SCs. In 1993-94 the proportion of agricultural wage labour was about 50 per cent as compared to 22 per cent among others. Taking both agricultural and non-agricultural labour in rural areas, the percentages of wage labour reached 60 per cent as compared to 29 per cent for others. In urban areas also disparities in the incidence of wage labour are evident. The proportion of casual labour among the SCs was 27 per cent as against only 10 per cent among the others.

Differences in the proportion of regular wage earner and salaried persons between SCs and others was minimal in urban areas. In the rural areas, the proportion of such workers was lower among the SC (5.8 per cent) as compared to others (9.2 per cent).

Disparities in Employment

Since more than 60 per cent of the SC workers in rural areas and more than 30 per cent in urban areas depend on wage employment, their earnings are determined by the level of employment and wage rates. The SC worker seems to suffer from possible discrimination in employment. Table 2 shows the unemployment rate of the SC vis-à-vis the others for 1977-78, 1983, 1987-88 and 1993-94. The unemployment rate of SCs are much higher than that of other workers based on current weekly and current daily status. In 1977-78, 1983-84 and 1993-94 the unemployment rates based on daily status for SC male workers were at 6.73 per cent, 7.16 per cent and 4.30 respectively, significantly higher than 3.90 per cent, 4.03 per cent and 2.70 for others. A similar gap exists for female labour too. The unemployment rate for SC females on daily status basis was 1.90 in 1977-87, 2.16 per cent in 1983, and 2.00 1993-94 which was again higher than the 0.97 per cent, 0.91 and 1.10 per cent respectively for other females. The higher unemployment rate based on current weekly status and current daily status clearly shows that under-employment among SC workers is much higher than among other workers.

Higher unemployment rate of SC worker (which is twice that of others) indicates a possible existence of caste-based discrimination against SC workers in hiring. As we shall see later, micro-level studies revealed some evidence of discrimination against SCs in occupation, employment, wages and others.

High Poverty

With higher incidence of wage labour associated with high rate of under-employment the SCs would suffer from low income and consumption and a resultant greater level of poverty.

This is reflected in the proportion of persons falling below a critical minimum level of consumption expenditure, what is called the poverty line. Table 3 presents the poverty ratio for SCs and others for 1987-88 and 1993-94 at the all-India level. In 1993-94 about 48.00 of SC household were below the poverty line in rural areas as compared to 31.29 per cent for the general population. The poverty level among the SCs was thus high compared to others. What is striking is the variation in poverty ratio across household types. The incidence of poverty was about 60 per cent among agricultural labour followed by 41.44 per cent among non-agricultural labour. The level was relatively low for persons engaged in self-employed activities in agriculture (37.71 per cent) and in the non-agricultural sector ( 38.19 per cent). For each of these household types, however, the proportion of SC household was much higher than their counterparts among the non-SC/ST group.

In urban areas about 50 per cent of the SCs were below the poverty line in 1993-94, as compared to 29.66 per cent among the Others. Further, the incidence was astonishingly high among the casual labour (69.48 per cent). The disparities in the level of urban poverty between the two social groups were relatively higher in the case of self-employment and regular salaried and wage workers but less in the case of casual labour.

This indicates that by the early 1990s still half of the SC population was below the poverty line both in rural and urban areas. The incidence of poverty was astonishingly high among wage labour households in rural and urban areas, who constitute about 60 per cent of the workforce in the rural area and 30 per cent in urban areas. The 1993-94 figures revealed that the SCs were at least twenty-five years behind the other group in terms of level of poverty.

This macro-level comparative account of the economic position of the formerly untouchable and upper-caste persons covering relevant economic indicators provides convincing evidence of the continuing economic inequalities associated with caste. It is thus beyond doubt that the historical impact of traditional caste-based restrictions on the ownership of property, employment and occupation are still visible in significant measure, the access of the formerly untouchables to income-earning capital assets and employment is limited, and their segregation into manual labour is overwhelmingly high. The two prime economic attributes of the caste system thus seem to be present in sizeable measure, even today.

Economic discrimination

Due to the absence of legal protection against the economic discrimination very few empirical studies have tried to understand the phenomenon of economic discrimination. However few studies revealed the practice of discrimination in various economic spheres against the untouchable and violation of human rights with respect to economic rights. Banerjee and Knight (1991), Deshi and Singh (1995) have brought out the significant presence of caste and untouchability-based economic discrimination in urban job market. Banerjee and Knight in their study of the Delhi urban job market during 1975-76 observed that “use of the standard methodology showed that there is indeed discrimination by caste”, particularly job discrimination through the estimation of occupational attainment function and it is quantitatively more important. They further observed that “Discrimination appears to operate at least in part through traditional mechanism, with untouchables disproportionately represented in poorly-paid” dead-end jobs.

The discriminators are likely to be other workers and employers. Even if discrimination is no longer practised, the effects of past discrimination could carry over to the present, for instance in the choice of occupation. This may help explain why discrimination is greatest in operative jobs, in which contracts are more important for recruitment, and not in white-collar jobs, recruitment to which involves formal methods. The economic function which the system performs for favoured castes suggests that “taste for discrimination is based, consciously, or unconsciously, on economic interest, so making prejudice more difficult to eradicate”. The study by Dhesi and Singh (1959) of Delhi on education, labour market distortions and relative earning differences across religion-caste categories in 1971 also observed “differences in jobs associated with education and labour market distortion arising out of caste and religious background of persons”.

Among the micro-level studies considered earlier, the studies on Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka also provide micro-level evidence about economic discrimination in occupation, employment, wages and loan and other economic spheres. The study on Andhra Pradesh (Venkateswarlu, D., 1990) indicates that when untouchables wanted to switch over from their traditional occupation in the rural area to some other occupation, they were abused or beaten. The Karnataka study (Khan, Mumtaz Ali, 1995) revealed that nearly 85 per cent of the respondents continue with their traditional occupation and only 15 per cent could make a switch. In the urban areas, however, 56 per cent expressed a shift in the traditional occupation.

The Orissa study (Tripathy, R.B., 1994) for 1987-88 observed discrimination in a few economic spheres. Nearly 96 per cent of respondents in one village and all the formerly untouchable respondents in the second village were discriminated against in wage payment. 28 per cent in one village and 20 per cent in another faced discrimination in the share of rent. Discrimination in interest rate changed by the moneylender was found in both villages.

Untouchability, and Atrocities

We now present empirical evidence on the violation of civic, political, economic and religious rights, with respect to low caste untouchable, first we present the macro-level (i.e. all India) evidence and then discuss the evidence from the selected regions in the country based on primary survey by individual scholars.

All India Picture :

Table 4 presents the incidence of civil rights violations of former untouchables between 1955 and 1997. The violation of civil rights include prohibition to untouchable to use public water bodies such as well, tape, temple, Tea stall, Restaurant, community Bath, road, and other services. It is seen from the table that at the all-India level, the average number of cases of human right violation of untouchable registered annually were 480 during the 1950s, 1903 during the 1960s, 3240 during the 1970s and 3875 during the 1980s and 1672 during 1990’s. Table 5, also shows that on an average 30,000 cases of general crimes and atrocities were committed on the former untouchables annually during 1981-97. During 1981-86 and 1995-97 (i.e. nine years) a total of 269,000 cases of crime and atrocities were committed against the former untouchables. The break-up of the atrocities for the year 1997 shows 504 cases of murder, 3462 of grievous hurt, 384 of arson and 1002 cases of rape, and 12149 cases of other offences. The data between 1981 and 1997 showed that on an average annually about 508 formerly untouchable persons were murdered, about 2343 were hurt, 847 were subjected to arson, 754 women were raped and about 12,000 were subjected to other offences. With 513 murdered every year we cannot say that the formerly untouchable persons enjoy an unequivocal right to life. With 847 cases of arson annually, we cannot say that they have the right to safe and secure life. With about 750 cases of rape annually we cannot say that Scheduled Caste women have the assurance of a safe, secure and dignified life. And with 3,000 cases of civil rights violation annually we cannot say that the Scheduled Castes enjoy liberty and equality in civic and political sphere.

Regional Evidence –Primary studies

Generally, registered cases of this nature are severe (and often public) and it requires courage from the victims or encouragement from NGOs or others to register the case. The undercurrent of untouchability and humiliation, which is part of the general social relation and qualitative in nature, forms a part of their day-to-day experience but remains unreported.

The studies based on primary surveys, however, reveal the actual magnitude of the problem. From the massive literature on the practice of untouchability and atrocities, only a few are presented here. These include a study on Karnataka (1973-74 and 1991), Andhra Pradesh (1977), Orissa (1987-88) and Gujarat (1971 and 1996). Karnataka and Andhra are in southern India, Orissa in eastern India and Gujarat in western India.

          Karnataka Study, 1973-74. The Karnataka study for 1973-74 is based on a fairly large sample of 76 villages, 38 urban centres and 3330 households. (Table 6) Of the total households 73 per cent were former untouchables (Parvathamma 1984). The study captures the incidence of untouchability in social, religious and economic spheres of societal relationship, such as drawing water from the common well, entry to the village temple, access to upper caste locality, entry into the village shop and tea-stalls, access to the services of barber, washerman, priest, tailor, blacksmith, village and government doctor and nurse, milling the grain and so forth, services of school, post-office, health and village panchayat institutions. The study came up with the following evidence.

(a) Nearly 54 per cent of the formerly untouchable respondents were not allowed to draw water from the public well in the village and another 6.4 per cent faced 0discrimination of various types. The magnitude of the problem was much less severe in urban centres, but even in urban areas 15 per cent of the respondents were not allowed to draw water from public water sources and another 4.6 per cent faced discrimination of various kinds. (b) The practice of untouchability was far more widespread in the access to temple as nearly 60 per cent were denied access to the village temple. (c) The access to high-caste houses was limited, as 63 per cent of the former untouchables could not enter them. (d) The practice of untouchability was less in public utilities places like the tea-shop and grocery shop. In grocery shops about 11 per cent of the respondents were not allowed inside while another 11 per cent faced discrimination in access to village shops. In the local village tea-shop, 43 per cent of the formerly untouchable were not allowed free access. In the urban area 94 per cent had easy access, but 10.5 per cent faced one or another kind of discrimination. (e) As regards religious places, 71 per cent of respondents were refused service by Hindu priests. (f) In essential services, the practice of untouchability was widespread. About 53.0 per cent of the respondents did not receive the services of a barber and washerman in the village. In urban areas the access has improved considerably. Most of the respondents, however, had non-discriminatory access to the service of tailors. (g) In public services like post-office, health, education and others the practice of untouchability was much less. As much as 98 per cent had access to postal services, but 49 per cent faced some kind of discrimination, in so far as postmen avoid entering the residential areas of former untouchables, opting to hand over the mail to a formerly untouchable person of the locality for distribution. (h) Generally, discrimination in the service rendered by the government doctor and nurse and village doctor and the village school was less. (i) About 13 per cent of the rural untouchable respondents cannot wear clothes of their choice or ornaments even today.

          Karnataka Study, 1992-93. Nearly twenty years later another study was conducted in Karnataka by taking 941 respondents from 52 villages and from most of the districts(Mumtaz Khan 1995). The study came up with the results that except in political activities, in all other areas of social interaction, untouchability was practised in a vast majority of the cases (see Table 7)

  1. For 80 per cent of the respondents entry to village hotels was still barred. b. 70 per cent of the respondents were denied entry into the village temple and another 70 per cent were denied participation in religious processions. c. In most cases there was no free access to high-caste water taps. Another 68 per cent had no access to the village water tank. d. 70 per cent of the respondents said that social mixing or relations were not allowed. e. In the political sphere (i.e. sitting together or taking tea in the village panchayat office) the discrimination was much less.

It will be seen from a comparison of Tables 2 and 3 that between 1973-74 and 1992-93 some change has occurred. The practice of untouchability was relatively less in the political sphere but its magnitude was still very high in access to the village temple, religious community events, hotel, high-caste water (public) taps, water (public) tank and interpersonal social relations.

Andhra Study, 1977. The third study is for Andhra state which adjoins Karnataka. This study was conducted in 1977 and covered a sample of 396 respondents (of which 196 were formerly untouchable) from six villages (Venkateswarlu 1990). The study disclosed the following results (see Table 8).

  1. Most untouchables felt that the temples were still barred to them. b. Most of the respondents said that they were not allowed to enter the houses of caste Hindus. c. Marriage procession through the public village road by untouchables is prohibited on one pretext or another. d. There is no access to public drinking water source. The well or tap is located in the high-caste locality and attempts by the former untouchables invites objection and physical obstruction. e. The majority of the untouchable respondents reported being beaten by the upper castes, ranging from frequently to rarely. Raids on untouchable hamlets or houses, sometimes followed by looting, were reported. Violence was also perpetrated in the form of kidnapping, insults, rape, physical torture and threat or attempt to murder. f. Many formerly untouchable respondents were prevented from exercising their franchise in elections. In some cases they were also prevented from participating in political activities like organizing meetings in the village or taking an independent position on political issues, or contesting elections.

Orissa Study, 1987¬-88. The study in Orissa state was conducted in 1987-88 and covered two villages (one small and one large) and 65 formerly untouchable respondents (heads of households) (Tripathy 1994). (Table 9) The study came up with following observations:

  1. An overwhelming majority, i.e. 80 per cent of respondents in the small village and 70 per cent in the big village were prohibited from drinking water from the public open well and public tube well. In the big village there were separate pulleys in wells for the untouchables.
    b. 3 per cent of respondents in the big village and 90 per cent in the small village observed that while locating public wells/tube wells the untouchables’ convenience was not taken into account.
    c. In village community feasts and marriage in both villages the former untouchables were treated unequally. The same is the case with regard to temple worship, barber service, washerman services, priest services, etc. 64 per cent in the big village and all in the small village were treated unequally in the village meeting. 80 per cent of the respondents in both villages did not have access to tea-shops; 70 per cent in the big village and 80 per cent in the small village faced unequal treatment or discrimination in getting services from the grocery shops.
    d. Most of the former untouchables in both villages have free access to school and hospitals.
    e. About 80 per cent in the small village and all in the big village faced discrimination in village cultural events (i.e. drama) and village festivals.
    f. In both villages the settlement of untouchables is separated from that of the upper castes.
    g. Their small number, poverty and fear (in the small village) discourage the former untouchables from contesting in elections. Numerical strength, better economic status and political consciousness encourage contesting in election and participation in the political process.

Gujarat Study. The study in Gujarat, conducted in 1971, is based on a survey of 69 villages. A repeat survey of these villages was done in 1996 to see changes in practice of untouchability (Desai 1976; Shah 1998). (Table 10) To what extent and in which sphere has untouchability been abolished and in which spheres is it observed? The first study looks into the practice of untouchability in seventeen spheres of village life, which include the private and public domain. The public domain is divided in two spheres. One is those institutions and places which are managed through funds provided by the state and/or local community from common resources like land, forest, pond and river. The other sphere of public life is managed by the market in which the relationship is contractual of buying and selling commodities and/or services, panchayat, common source of water and temple. The latter includes shops selling goods, services such as hair-cutting, tailoring and paying wages. The private sphere is confined to allowing members of Scheduled Caste (SC) inside one’s house without discrimination. There are some quasi-public spheres which involve personal preference in public places.

The practice of untouchability in sitting arrangement of the students in village schools was negligible in 1971; it had disappeared in 1996. SC and non-SC students intermingle in the school freely. However their friendship in many villages does not extend after the school hours. Non-SC teachers do not discriminate against SC students but they are not easily accessible to SC students outside the school boundary. Not all the schools have the facility of drinking water for students. Where it exists, all students take water from the common vessel.

Nearly 10 per cent of the village schools have teachers belonging to SCs. None of them complained that their colleagues discriminate against them in school. However except in south Gujarat, these teachers do not get accommodation in the high-caste locality of the village. They either commute from their village or from the nearby town or they rent a house from the SC locality.

Almost all villages are covered by state transport. Except in 7 per cent of the villages, untouchability is not observed while boarding and sitting in the bus. Crude discrimination against SC is observed in one per cent of the villages, where he/she is almost denied the right to sit with an upper-caste person. In the remaining 6 per cent of the villages, untouchability is practised in a nebulous form. That is, a member of the SC is expected to stand up and offer his/her seat to a high caste passenger; or the latter is allowed to board the bus first.

The 1971 study found that there were certain restrictions on the free movement of the SCs on some roads in as many as 60 per cent of the villages. Their number has declined considerably. Yet the SCs encounter some restrictions on their movement in 23 per cent of the villages. As such there is no ban on the SCs using certain village roads. But they do become victims of wrath varying from abuse to even physical assault if they enter the streets of the upper castes. They have to stop and give way to members of the upper castes, particularly brahmins and rajputs in general and elderly persons of the dominant upper castes in particular.

Even in villages where the SCs do not face restriction in their day-to-day movements, they are subjected to mortifying comments by members of the upper castes about their former untouchable status.

Most of the village post-offices and postmen do not practise untouchability while giving stamps and taking money as well as delivering mail. The postmen go to the SC localities and hand over the mail to the addressee. But postal employees observe untouchability in 8 to 9 per cent villages. They do not give postal stationery and mail in the hand of the SC addressee. There has been a slight decline in the practice of untouchability during the last twenty years in delivering mail, but in the selling of stamps the proportion of villages practising untouchability has increased. The postal employees observe untouchability in 8 per cent of the villages.

Open or subtle untouchability is practised in panchayat meetings in 30 per cent of the villages, as against 47 per cent in 1971. The sitting arrangement in panchayat offices is common for all the members, but there is a tacit convention whereby certain seats are marked for SC members. Though tea and snacks are served to everyone, separate plates and cups are reserved for SC members, and stored separately. In the past SC members had to wash their used utensils, but no longer.

In most village temples, 75 per cent SCs are not allowed to enter beyond the threshold, though they may worship from a distance. One temple may be open for the SCs and another temple restricted from their entry. The SCs in many villages where their numbers are large, have constructed temples in their localities to avoid confrontation.

In 1971, 44 villages had separate water facility for the SCs near their localities. Two villages had been added to this list in twenty-five years. Untouchability is not experienced in normal times, but when water is scarce, the SCs experience difficulty and discrimination in taking water from high-caste localities. In the remaining 23 villages in which the untouchables take water from the common source, untouchability is practised in 61 per cent of the villages. In most such villages SC women take water after the upper-caste women, or their tap or position on the well is separately marked. In seven villages (11 per cent of the sample villages) the SC women are not allowed to fetch water from the well. They have to wait till the upper caste women pour water into their pots. The SC women are constantly humiliated by the upper-caste women who shout at them: “Keep distance, do not pollute us!”

The practice of untouchability has strikingly declined in occupational activities, i.e. in buying and selling commodities. In 1971, in as many as 85 per cent of the villages SC members were barred from entering shops; now in 1996 shops in only 30 per cent villages are so restricted. Similarly the practice of untouchability in giving things and receiving money has been reduced from 67 per cent to 28 per cent.

The status of being formerly untouchable comes in the way of potential SC entrepreneurs. They fear that upper-caste members would not buy from their shop or would harass them. In a village in Ahmedabad a SC autorickshaw driver who asked for the fare from a sarpanch belonging to a middle caste was severely beaten. This is not a rare case, and such upper-caste attitude inhibits SC enterprise.

Most tailors do not practise untouchability. They touch the SC client to take measurement. However, in most cases they do not repair used clothes of the SCs. Nearly one-third of the potters observe untouchability while selling pots to SC clients. Most of the barbers (nearly 70 per cent) refuse their service to SC males. Muslim barbers do not practise untouchability. The traditional patron-client relationship still continues, though the client pays in cash for the service. A few barbers in large villages have set up shops. Many do not mind serving a SC client, but some do.

The extent of untouchability has remained almost intact in the sphere of house entry. Except a few villages, SC members of village society do not get entry beyond the outer room of the high caste. Even in villages where the young folk do not believe in physical untouchability, and who serve tea to SC guests in their houses, entry in the dining room is not encouraged.

The practice of untouchability has been considerably reduced in some of the public spheres which are directly managed by the state laws and which have a relatively non-traditional character like school, postal services and elected panchayats. The number of villages observing untouchability on public roads, restricting free movement of the SCs has considerably declined from 60 per cent in 1971 to 23 per cent in 1996, but it is too early to say that the untouchable is not discriminated against in the public sphere. As many as 30 per cent of the village panchayats still observe open or subtle discrimination with their elected members belonging to SCs.

This macro and micro-level (i.e. based on primary survey) empirical evidence presented above shows the magnitude and the nature of continuing practice of untouchability or human right violations against the untouchables, even after fifty years of India’s secular constitution and enactment of the Civil Rights Act in 1955. The practice of untouchability and resultant discrimination has reduced in the public sphere like panchayat offices, schools, use of the public road, public transport, health and medical services, services of shops (for buying of goods) and services rendered by the tailor, barber, eating-places and tea-shops in large villages and urban areas. But even here discrimination in various subtle forms prevails. In several other spheres, the practice of untouchability and discrimination is fairly widespread. All the micro-level studies show that the settlements of the untouchables are away from the high-caste locality, endogamy (which is the backbone of the caste system) continues, entry to the former untouchables in private houses and temples is limited, and interdining or common sharing of tea and food is extremely limited. Pressures and restrictions on voting and political participation also prevail. The restriction on the change of occupation and discrimination in employment, wage rate, share of rent, rate of interest charged and sale of items from shops owned by the untouchables are fairly widespread in the rural areas, where three-fourths of the former untouchables live.

Why discrimination and violence?

The official data and the studies by individual researcher indicate that the behavior of the high caste towards the untouchable is still influenced by the traditional code of caste system .Why do the higher caste persons continued to practice untouchability, and discrimination despite the provision in the law to the contrary? And why do they resort to physical and similar forms of violence against the untouchables when the latter tries to gain a lawful access to human rights and equal participation in social, political, cultural, religious and economic sphere of community life? The reasons for both are rooted in continuing faith of the high caste Hindus in the sanctity of institution of case system and untouchability and more importantly the fear of loosing the immense social and economic( or material ) privileges associated with the preservation of the system. In this respect Ambedkar observes

Why is it that large majority of Hindus do not inter-dine and do not inter-marry? There can be only one answer to this question and it is that inter-dining and inter-marriage are repugnant to the beliefs and dogmas which the Hindus regard as sacred. —- Caste may lead to conduct so gross as to be called man’s inhumanity to man. All the same, it must be recognized that the Hindus observe Caste not because they are inhuman or wrong headed. They observe Caste because they are deeply religious. People are not wrong in observing Caste. in my view, what is wrong is their religion, which has inculcated this notion of Caste. (Ambedkar 1936)

Thus in Ambedkar’s view the caste system received philosophical support and justification from the Hindu religion and it is this which provide abiding strength for its continuation . Also it is this faith in the system which induce the high caste for its continuation The significant point however is about the role of religious, social, philosophical elements in Hinduism which provided divine justification for the origin and sustenance of the Hindu Social System. Deepak Lal also recognised the negative role of Hindu religion, he observed “Aobviously the religious, philosophical and ritual elements in Hinduism are equally (if not more) important in perpetuating the system…”and added that” the relative privacy of one or other factor in originating or perpetuating the system is not of importance for my purpose. What is important is that the economic and non-economic aspects of the system mutually reinforced each other@. (Deepak Lal, 1989, p. 73)”. Ambedkar located the role of religious ideology of Hinduism in providing divine support and justification to the doctrine of inequality in all spheres. While commenting on the centrality of the Hinduism Ambedkar observed ,

“religious ideals as a form of divine governance for human society falls into two classes, one in which Society is the centre and the other in which the Individual is the Centre, and for the former the appropriate test of what is good and what is right i.e. text of moral order is utility while for the latter the test is justice. Now the reason why the philosophy of Hinduism does not answer the test either of utility or of justice is because the religious ideal of Hinduism for devine governance of human society is an ideal which falls into a separate class by itself. It is an ideal in which the individual is not the centre. The centre of the ideal is neither individual nor society. It is a class; it is a class of supermen called Brahmins. Those who will bear the dominant and devastating fact in mind will understand why philosophy of Hinduism is not founded on individual justice or social utility. The philosophy of Hinduism is founded on totally different principles. To the question what is right and what is good the answer which the philosophy of Hinduism gives is remarkable. It holds that to be right and good the act must serve the interest of a class of supermen, namely the Brahmins. Any thing which serve the interest of this class is alone entitled to be called good (Ambedkar first published 1987, page-72).

This in Ambedkar’s view is the core and the heart of the philosophy of Hinduism. It teaches that what is right for a one particular class is only thing which is called morally right and morally good. It is also important to recognized that in Hinduism there is no difference between legal philosophy (or law) and moral philosophy (morality), that is because in Hinduism there is no distinction between legal and moral, legal being is also moral being. Further morality in Hinduism is also social and both are concerned with interest and privileges of one class.

The faith in the system is not for spiritual and cultural reasons alone but more so for material reasons because it provide immense social and economic privilege to the high caste persons .It is this which induce them to maintain the system.However although immense privileges associated with the system induce them to retain the system at any cost but it may not necessarily enable or permit them to enforce it . This is dependent on other enabling factors. This brings us to the question of use of violence by the high caste against the untouchables. It must be mentioned that the Hindu social order also provides for religiously sanction mechanism of social ostracism or system of penalties to maintain the system This include several painful physical punishments beside the social and economic boycott. Therefore if the large majority of Hindus are found to be using violent method against the untouchables , the reason is to be found in the belief and the faith in method prescribed in the traditional caste system. But what enable them to do so is the economic and demographic power against which the dalit find themselves completely helpless. Some of the studies on atrocities and violence bring out this thing quite clearly. The Commissioner for scheduled caste and scheduled tribes in one of their study observed :

“Some of the major causes of atrocities and other offences against Scheduled Castes are related to issues of land and property, access to water, wage payments, indebtedness and bonded or forced labour. Issues of human dignity, including compulsion to perform distasteful tasks traditionally forced on Scheduled Castes, and molestation and exploitation of dalit women are also involved. Caste related tension is exacerbated by economic factors, which contribute to violence. It is the assertion of their rights, be they economic, social or political, by the Scheduled Castes and their development, which often invite the wrath of the vested interests. Disputes during elections, animosity due to reservation, jealousy due to increasing economic prosperity, violence related to the process of taking possession and retaining Government allotted land, tension due to refusal of SCs to perform tasks such as disposal of dead cattle or cutting umbilical cord, are manifestations of the resentment of the high caste against increasing awareness among Scheduled Castes, assertion and prosperity among the SCs. Like land, water is another sensitive issue. Accessibility of drinking water and water for irrigation and disposal of water removed from water logged areas become issues that can trigger off atrocities on SCs. Castiest fervor during religious and social ceremonies, disputes arising during sowing and harvesting operations, and removal of crops from the granary after harvesting, have also been known to cause tension. Increasing awareness and empowerment of SCs, manifested in resistance to suppression, also result in clashes”. (The Report of the commission for SC/ST of 1990).

Concluding Remarks

The statistical evidence presented on the social and economic condition of the dalits revealed that in rural India in several spheres, if not in all spheres, the social and economic behavior of the high caste Hindus is still governed by the norms and codes of the traditional caste system, although there are changes in some spheres of social relations. The settlements of the untouchables in rural areas are away from the high-caste locality, endogamy (which is the backbone of the caste system) continues, entries for the untouchables in private houses and temples in rural areas are limited, and common sharing of tea and food is also extremely limited. Pressures and restrictions on voting and political participation also prevail. The restriction on the change of occupation and discrimination in employment, wage rate, share of rent, rate of interest charged and in sale of items from shops owned by the untouchables is still observed in some degree in the rural areas, where three-fourths of the untouchables live. This goes to shows that the enforcement and practice of universal human rights in society is not conditioned by the formal supportive legal framework (such as the Constitution and other laws) alone. Often, cultural, social, religious and economics notions make the enforcement and practice of human rights difficult. Non-formal institutions; social, religious as well as economic, involve a framework of social behavior of their own. The values of the classical Hindu caste system with its ideas of unequal rights and untouchability makes the enforcement and practice of secular human rights difficult in India. And it implies that unless inequalities imbedded in the social, economics and cultural structure of the Hindu society are not address the legal measures will make much less difference in providing access to human rights to the dalits in India. It indeed required restructuring of the economy which will provide fair access to the dalit and also the reorganization of the social relation based on caste system into the one based on equality, justice and fraternity. This requires a measure social movement against those element of Hindu social and religious order which perpetuate inequality, injustice and hatred.

Table 1. Occupational Pattern : Scheduled Caste and Other (in percentage)

Occupational Category                                                  1987-88                                                      1993-94
SC OTHER SC OTHER
                                                                                                                                                                             Rural
Self-employed in Agriculture 18.90 43.3 19.12 42.42
Self employed in Non-Agriculture 11.0 13.8 10.32 13.89
Self-employed (Total) 29.8 57.1 29.49 56.31
Agricultural Wage Labour 51.7 23.2 50.6 22.37
Non-Agricultural Wage Labour 11.4 09.7 10.22 6.67
Rural Wage Labour Total 63.1 31.1 60.28 29.14
Others 06.9 11.5 9.67 14.62
                                                                                                                                                                            Urban
Self-employed 28.0 35.2 24.08 35.05
Regular Wage/Salaries 39.4 45.0 39.27 43.11
Casual Labour 26.0 10.3 26.96 10.57
Others Wage 08.5 09.2 9.67 11.25
All 100 100 100 100
Source: NSS Employment/Unemployment Survey, 1987-88, and 1993-94 CSO, Delhi.SC= SCHEDULED CASTE; OTHERS = NON SC/ST. (excluding, Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe

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