For those who say there is no caste discrimination in private job market.
Book “Blocked by Caste: Economic Discrimination and Social Exclusion in Modern India” published in 2010 reports an experiment –
Thorat and Attewell ran an experiment to test caste discrimination in the urban labour market. For one year, researchers collected advertisements from leading English language newspapers for jobs in the private sector that required a university degree but no specialised skills. The researchers then submitted three false applications for each job. The applicants, all male, had the same or similar education qualification and experience. One of them had a recognisable upper caste Hindu name, another a Muslim name and the third a distinctly Dalit name. The expected outcome was a call for interview or further screening.
An analysis of the outcomes, using regression methods, showed that, although there were an equal number of false applicants from three social groups, for every 10 upper caste Hindu applicants selected for interview, only six Dalits and three Muslims were chosen. Thus, in modern private enterprises (including IT), applicants with a typical Muslim or Dalit name had a lower chance of success than those with the same qualification and an upper caste Hindu name.
For more detail read book named – BLOCKED BY CASTE, ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATION IN MODERN INDIA: Edited by Sukhadeo Thorat, Katherine S. Newman; Oxford University Press
Here is what Dr. Ambedkar noted almost a century ago, nothing has changed since then.
A much needed website (www.castediscrimination.com) has been launched by Dalits to record and highlight caste discrimination at educational institutions with the tagline of
Exposing Brahminism One Post at Time
One doesn’t need to stay silent now on the discrimination one is facing at the educational spaces. This website is one of its kind where one can report the caste discrimination. The website is another step toward raising voice against injustice and establishing equality in the society. Website’s aim and motto is –
…is an attempt to get real-time data of present and past instances of structural caste discrimination in higher education. Our hope is to track data that the Indian government has been lax in collecting but also to change the narrative from pathologizing Dalit Bahujan students to understanding how caste apartheid operates on our campuses.
One can report the caste discrimination by sending email to email@example.com or by simply filling the form on the website. The website was launched yesterday and many people have started reporting the caste discrimination happening at the colleges.
Every new website, photo, article or anything that challenges the Brahminical hegemony is important for us and should be spread as much as possible. Please share this website with others so that no other Rohith faces discrimination in the hands of casteist people.
Don’t be silent and report the caste discrimination!
Here are a few more screen-shots of the website.
Written by Nijam Gara
The brewing Kapu agitation today and the recent Hardik Patel led agitation for BC (Backward Class) status for Patidars (Patels) in Gujarat has reignited passions and stirred up debates about reservations again. The word “reservation” is a very charged term and evokes strong emotions in the country. It typically refers to constitutionally guaranteed protections and preferential treatment given to historically oppressed sections of the society – dalits (Scheduled castes i.e. SCs), tribals (STs) and ‘BCs’. The idea of such reservations is to help create a modicum of equal opportunity in the overwhelmingly unequal Indian society. Anybody with a rational, historical understanding of Hindu caste system should recognize that the classes that enjoy the true ‘reservations’ are not the SCs, STs and BCs but the upper castes and the well-to-do Sudhras with thousands of years of ‘reserved’ access to land, wealth and exclusive control of every aspect of economy and Hindu society. Those hereditary rights guaranteed by Manuvadi system have assured their continued hegemony in to the 21st century.
The History of Reservation
The concepts of government, jobs and inclusivity in British India led to the idea of bringing the hitherto ignored sections in to the ‘mainstream’. Reservations to oppressed castes were subsequently first introduced in British India in the background of movements organized by Jyothirao Phule, Periyar, etc. and also espoused strongly in princely states such as Travancore and Kolhapur (Shahu Maharaja, the real Chatrapathi). The year 1933 marked a flashpoint in the history of caste-based reservations when the British government introduced the Communal Award with separate electorates for Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and more importantly, Dalits. Ambedkar supported this but the ‘father’ of the nation (Gandhi) vociferously opposed it. Eventually, Ambedkar had to concede to Gandhi’s blackmail and Dalits remained under the Hindu fold albeit with reserved seats within. Following the adoption of the constitution in post-independent India, reservations to SCs, STs were formalized. OBC reservations were haphazardly implemented later on. The 1953 Kalelkar Commission and the 1980 Mandal Commission reports came up with the suggestion of 70% and 52% reservations for OBCs respectively but the ultimate number was set at 27% in 1992 following a court verdict a few years after the nation witnessed bloody street violence with anti-reservation sentiments touching a chord with the upper caste youth. Even this 27% reservation is not rightfully implemented in several sectors with a report in 2010 showing that only 7% of civil service positions in the country were filled with OBCs. Reservations are certainly a great tool of affirmative action that have helped scores of dalit, tribal and BC families leap out of poverty. However, for every educated dalit, tribal or OBC, there appear to be a million others who don’t even make the cut to qualify for these reservations. Thus, reservations are only one mode of support and rather an imperfect means to the end goal i.e. decimation of caste structure. True social reform is only feasible with a much deeper cleansing of the Hindu society which appears almost impossible today. How many centuries of reservations can counteract the economic power that is concentrated in the upper castes today across India? How many dalit entrepreneurs will it take to match the clout enjoyed by Kamma industrialists, reddy landlords, etc, etc? Why is a Rahul Gandhi or a Brahminized Narendra Modi (does it really matter if he is theoretically a BC?) a readily acceptable PM candidate but not a Mayawathi or Lalu Yadav?
Only seven out of every 100 hundred teachers in colleges and universities across the country were from the Scheduled Castes last year. Those from the Scheduled Tribes were even worse off, numbering only 2 per cent.
According to the report released last month, only 1.02 lakh – or 7.22 per cent – of the 14.1 lakh teachers in 716 universities and 38,056 colleges in the country were Dalits, while tribal communities accounted for just 30,000 or 2.12 per cent.
The faculty figures fall far short of the national population of Scheduled Castes (16.6 per cent) and Scheduled Tribes (8.6 per cent).
In Bengal, the percentage of SC/ST teachers, according to the All India Survey on Higher Education Provisional Report for 2014-15, was even less – 6.27 per cent Dalit and 0.93 per cent from the Scheduled Tribes.
Delhi University executive council member Abha Dev Habib said that of the 813 faculty members, only 63 (7.7 per cent) were Dalits and 24 (less than 3 per cent) were from tribal groups. “Our teacher association has written to the HRD ministry and the UGC about non-implementation of reservation in DU. But no action has been taken,”
Sources in the human resource development ministry confirmed that none among the 43 central universities in the country had a Dalit vice-chancellor. Only one – the Indira Gandhi National Tribal University in Amarkantak, Madhya Pradesh – had a VC from an ST community, Professor T.V. Kattimani.
Check also –
Source – Telegraphindia
Last week, I asked people on Twitter that what they think about which party is the most casteist? Here are the results. Around 500 people voted and 57% of them think BJP is the the most casteist party.
Personally, I would say all these AAP, BJP or Congress are equally casteist. There is no difference among these, they equally discriminate against Dalits and muslims.
What you guys think which party is the most casteist? Let me know in the comments.
Written by – Nijam Gara
We observed Dr Ambedkar’s 59th death anniversary on December 6th 2015. Coincidentally, also the 23rd anniversary of Babri Masjid demolition. Pertinently, in the midst of a debate in the parliament about secularism and the broader intolerance debate raging in the country. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is shamelessly trying to confiscate the legacy of Bhim Rao.
What should the mulnivasis (tribals, dalits and likeminded shudras i.e. OBCs and true ‘forward’ thinking caste members) do?
The events that played out on the national stage in the last few weeks shine a bright light in this context. The Bihar election results have shown the path and our inimitable Lalu Prasad Yadav has led by example. The mainstream media will not say this but he alone is responsible for the spectacular polarization of the backward and downtrodden vote against the rightwing, upper caste BJP. He succinctly described his move when he said he is drinking poison for the common good referring to his alliance with Nitish. It is worth noting here that Nitish is no Lalu when it comes to secular credentials. Lalu holds the distinction of being the only politician in India today that has steadfastly opposed hindu rightwing politics at every step of the way, be it in putting the thrishul-wielding Lalkrishna Advani behind bars in 1992 or thunderously denouncing Modi in 2002 or in tabling the first detailed inquiry report on behalf of the Central government on the Godhra train carnage. He has never wavered to support the Congress on the national stage to keep BJP at bay in spite of the constant battering the mainstream media subjected him to of his own Prime Ministerial ambitions. Nitish happily supported the NDA government through the dark days of post-Godhra mayhem in Gujarat. Much like Chandrababu naidu. Still, the need of the hour in 2015 in the Modi era India was such that Lalu had to bury the hatchet and come together with the not-so-perfect Nitish to stop the Modi-Shah juggernaut from rolling. The result was the stunning defeat of the avowed pro-‘development’ BJP. It is also worth mentioning here that ‘development’ is not a pet project of BJP. In fact, their concept of ‘development’ is cosmetic and has no intention of uplifting the downtrodden either socially or economically. In essence, Lalu has proved to the nation that the people of the land (mulnivasis as described above) should make winning alliances with ideologically similar sections if they even dream of keeping the rightwing forces checked.