Dr. Ambedkar’s Perspective on Restructuring Indian Nation in the context of Dalit Question
Written by – Sukhadeo Thorat
The Caste System in its classical form is an unique institution of social governance of the Hindu society. It is based on some specific principles and rules which make it an unique one. Foremost of them is that it involve a division of persons in various social groups called castes The division is created and maintained through institution of endogamy. The duties and the rights, (civil, cultural/religious, political and economic) are assigned to each of these castes by birth in advanced but in an unequal manner . The duties and rights are thus pre-determined by birth in to the specific caste and are hereditary ,not subject to change by deeds of the individuals . The social position or standing of each caste is hierarchically arranged , in the sense that the rights gets reduced in descending order, that is , from the Brahmin( who are located at the top of hierarchy) to the untouchable ,who are placed at the bottom of the caste hierarchy .The caste are hierarchically arranged in a manner that they are interlinked with each other such that rights and privileges of the high castes become the disabilities of the lower castes .In this sense caste does not exist in single number but only in plural , and interlinked (or made interdependent) with each in an unequal measure of relationship. Therefore one has to look at castes as “system” and not caste as single entity in isolation. Another distinguish feature of this system is that it laid down a systematic machanism for enforcement in the form of social and economic ostracism involving penalties and punishments against the violation of the system in practice. But above all the system is sanctified and supported, directly or indirectly by the philosophical elements in Hindu religion. Therefore for generality of Hindus the caste system is religiously sanctified institution to be practice as system of divine creation and matter of religious faith. It is this religious foundation and sanctity, which provide enduring strength and stubbiness to the institution of caste (Lal Deepak, 1984, Ambedkar 1936 and 1987 )
I wrote few days back about what is the caste of your food? It’s no strange for me that Brahminism has infiltrated to such an extent that caste has reached your food table and or to your plate.
A friend sent me these following website especially promoting Brahmin food and Brahminism through food, as my friend puts these in words.
Now you can Buy Brahmins online!
These websites are running and society has no problem, will society accept and buy if such foods are launched by lower castes? All these Brahmin sites who show caste pride should be shut down.
Another friend of mine described these products as –
The University Grants Commission annually allots only 11 per cent of the total money it gets under the SC and ST sub plans on scholarships and fellowships, which directly benefits the students of these marginalised communities.
As per a reply given by UGC to a RTI query, it spent only Rs 107.86 crore for scholarships and fellowships out of the Rs 1047.33 crore in the SC sub-plan in 2012-13 and Rs 35.56 crore of the allotted Rs 507.20 crore of the Tribal sub-plan.
In the preceding year it spent Rs 87.86 crore of Rs 814.50 crore on scholarships and fellowships in the SC sub-plan and Rs 33.53 crore out of Rs 400.61 crore in the Tribal-sub plan.
A major chunk of the total money, around 60 per cent, was spent on building “capital assets” which are not specifically beneficial for SC or ST students, like construction of hostels or buying computers.
For this reason the UGC has come under fire from Dalit rights organizations.
Mr Paul Divakar, general secretary of National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, which filed the RTI said, “This is not an issue which pertains just to the UGC. Ineffective spending and diversion of funds meant for SC and ST development exists in many well known institutions like the IITs, IIMs and ICSSR. This is just another form of discrimination. We have complained about the UGC problem to the minister of HRD, Ms Smriti Irani and head of other government bodies, but to no avail. We are planning to approach the courts now.”
When contacted, former UGC chairman Mr Sukhdeo Thorat said, “The allocation of money should be increased for fellowships because it helps the students directly and will result in more Dalit scholars pursuing research. What is the point of allocating money meant under the sub-plans if students do not benefit from it directly?”
Source – Deccan Chronicle
Written by Nijam Gara
The brewing Kapu agitation today and the recent Hardik Patel led agitation for BC (Backward Class) status for Patidars (Patels) in Gujarat has reignited passions and stirred up debates about reservations again. The word “reservation” is a very charged term and evokes strong emotions in the country. It typically refers to constitutionally guaranteed protections and preferential treatment given to historically oppressed sections of the society – dalits (Scheduled castes i.e. SCs), tribals (STs) and ‘BCs’. The idea of such reservations is to help create a modicum of equal opportunity in the overwhelmingly unequal Indian society. Anybody with a rational, historical understanding of Hindu caste system should recognize that the classes that enjoy the true ‘reservations’ are not the SCs, STs and BCs but the upper castes and the well-to-do Sudhras with thousands of years of ‘reserved’ access to land, wealth and exclusive control of every aspect of economy and Hindu society. Those hereditary rights guaranteed by Manuvadi system have assured their continued hegemony in to the 21st century.
The History of Reservation
The concepts of government, jobs and inclusivity in British India led to the idea of bringing the hitherto ignored sections in to the ‘mainstream’. Reservations to oppressed castes were subsequently first introduced in British India in the background of movements organized by Jyothirao Phule, Periyar, etc. and also espoused strongly in princely states such as Travancore and Kolhapur (Shahu Maharaja, the real Chatrapathi). The year 1933 marked a flashpoint in the history of caste-based reservations when the British government introduced the Communal Award with separate electorates for Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and more importantly, Dalits. Ambedkar supported this but the ‘father’ of the nation (Gandhi) vociferously opposed it. Eventually, Ambedkar had to concede to Gandhi’s blackmail and Dalits remained under the Hindu fold albeit with reserved seats within. Following the adoption of the constitution in post-independent India, reservations to SCs, STs were formalized. OBC reservations were haphazardly implemented later on. The 1953 Kalelkar Commission and the 1980 Mandal Commission reports came up with the suggestion of 70% and 52% reservations for OBCs respectively but the ultimate number was set at 27% in 1992 following a court verdict a few years after the nation witnessed bloody street violence with anti-reservation sentiments touching a chord with the upper caste youth. Even this 27% reservation is not rightfully implemented in several sectors with a report in 2010 showing that only 7% of civil service positions in the country were filled with OBCs. Reservations are certainly a great tool of affirmative action that have helped scores of dalit, tribal and BC families leap out of poverty. However, for every educated dalit, tribal or OBC, there appear to be a million others who don’t even make the cut to qualify for these reservations. Thus, reservations are only one mode of support and rather an imperfect means to the end goal i.e. decimation of caste structure. True social reform is only feasible with a much deeper cleansing of the Hindu society which appears almost impossible today. How many centuries of reservations can counteract the economic power that is concentrated in the upper castes today across India? How many dalit entrepreneurs will it take to match the clout enjoyed by Kamma industrialists, reddy landlords, etc, etc? Why is a Rahul Gandhi or a Brahminized Narendra Modi (does it really matter if he is theoretically a BC?) a readily acceptable PM candidate but not a Mayawathi or Lalu Yadav?
Last week, I asked people on Twitter that what they think about which party is the most casteist? Here are the results. Around 500 people voted and 57% of them think BJP is the the most casteist party.
Personally, I would say all these AAP, BJP or Congress are equally casteist. There is no difference among these, they equally discriminate against Dalits and muslims.
What you guys think which party is the most casteist? Let me know in the comments.
After beating Dalits who were protesting in Mumbai for Justice For Rohith, today when India is celebrating Republic Day, RSS goons once again beat Dalit students who were protesting and demanding justice for Rohith in Kolkata (report by ABP news)
RSS goons were implementing what Modi said few days back – Dalits should ‘suffer silently’. RSS goons are implementing that by attacking Dalits. On one place these Brahmin-Bania leaders are talking about following Dr. Ambedkar and implementing his ideas but on the other place the same organisations are suppressing the voices of Dalits by attacking them each and every place.
Another incident that needs everyone’s attention is, threatening a Dalit Sarpanch to kill if he hoisted a flag and it happened in shinning Gujarat! Gujarat Model?
Message is clear guys – Suffer silently or we will further make you suffer! Till when Dalits will be beaten for raising their voice against injustice?